Cyprus

Archaeologist links 3,200-year-old Greek island palace with Ajax, hero of Troy
By NICHOLAS PAPHITIS

ATHENS, Greece - Among the ruins of a 3,200-year-old palace near Athens, researchers are piecing together the story of legendary Greek warrior-king Ajax, hero of the Trojan War.

Archaeologist Yiannis Lolos found remains of the palace while hiking on the island of Salamis in 1999, and has led excavations there for the past six years.

Now, he's confident he's found the site where Ajax ruled, which has also provided evidence to support a theory that residents of the Mycenean island kingdom fled to Cyprus after the king's death.

"This was Ajax' capital," excavation leader Lolos, professor of archaeology at Ioannina University, told The Associated Press on Wednesday.

"It was the seat of the maritime kingdom of Salamis - small compared to other Mycenaean kingdoms - that was involved in trade, warfare and piracy in the eastern Mediterranean."

Ajax was one of the top fighters in the legendary Greek army that besieged Troy to win back the abducted queen of Sparta, Helen. Described in Homer's Iliad as a towering hero protected by a huge shield, Ajax killed himself after a quarrel with other Greek leaders.

On a wooded hill overlooking the sea at Kanakia on Salamis' southwestern coast, Lolos' team has excavated a town surmounted by a fortified palace complex.

The site flourished in the 13th century B.C. - at the same time as the major centers of Mycenae and Pylos in southern Greece - and was abandoned during widespread unrest about 100 years later.

Scholars have long suspected a core of historical truth in the story of Troy, and archaeological evidence from the Kanakia dig appears to agree.

Lolos also believes that, faced by an external threat, part of Salamis' population left for Cyprus, founding a new town named after their homeland.

"There is no other explanation for the creation on Cyprus of a city named Salamis," he said. "We established that there was a population exodus from Salamis, which was completely abandoned shortly after 1200 B.C. ... They must first have gone to Enkomi on Cyprus, which was already an established center."

Salamis was founded around 1100 B.C., when Enkomi - some 4 kilometers (2.5 miles) away - was abandoned. "It was probably the refugees' children that moved there," Lolos said.

The emigration theory would explain why almost no high-value artifacts were found at the Greek site, which bore no signs of destruction or enemy occupation.

"The emigrants, who would have been the city's ruling class, took a lot with them, including nearly all the valuables," Lolos said.

The rest of the population moved to a new settlement further inland that offered better protection from seaborne raids.

Kanakia, was first inhabited around 3000 B.C. The Mycenaean settlement covers some 5 hectares (12.5 acres), and features houses, workshops and storage areas.

So far, archaeologists have uncovered 33 rooms in the 750-square-meter (8,000-square-foot) palace, including two central royal residences containing what appear to be two bench-like beds.

"This recalls a reference by Homer to the king of Pylos sleeping at the back of his house," Lolos said.

Finds include pottery, stone tools, a sealstone and copper implements.

Lolos is particularly pleased with a piece of a copper mail shirt stamped with the name of Pharaoh Ramses II, who ruled Egypt from 1279-1213 B.C.

"This is a unique find, which may have belonged to a Mycenaean mercenary soldier serving with the Egyptians," he said. "It could have been a souvenir, a mark of honor or even some kind of a medal."

Excavations will continue in September, while future targets include the settlement's cemetery, which Lolos has located nearby.

Situated just off the coast of Athens, Salamis is best known for the naval battle in 480 B.C., when the Athenians defeated an invading Persian fleet. The ancient playwright Euripides was born there, and a cave excavated by Lolos in 1997 has been identified as a hideout where the poet composed his work.

Last week, I had mentioned that Larnacaairport.com directs you to the website of the "Ministry of Economy and Tourism" of North Cyprus. Well, what I found out this Sunday morning completely shocked me. Paphosairport.com, Nicosiaairport.com, and Larnacaairport.com are all registered to the same individual that goes by the name of Ata Atun, and all addresses direct you to the website of the "Ministry of Economy and Tourism" of North Cyprus. Is the Nicosia government aware of this and if so, does it not realize that it can take legal action?

A recent photo of a warning sign in three languages, Greek, Turkish and English, is seen at a minefield in Nicosia, the capital of Cyprus. A multi-national team of ordnance disposal experts are working to clear landmines at the U.N. controlled strip of land that splits the island between its ethnic Turkish and Greek communities.

The Foreign Minister of Greece, Dora Bakoyannis, paid a visit to Washington today where she discussed several issues of mutual interests, including such matters as Turkey’s EU accession and the Cyprus problem with US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice. After the meeting, the two held a joint press conference:

SECRETARY RICE: Good afternoon. I would like to welcome Greek Foreign Minister Bakoyannis -- Dora -- to the State Department and here to Washington, D.C. This is her first trip to Washington, D.C. as Foreign Minister. I have to say that I'm a great admirer of the work that she did as the Mayor of Athens, a city that is near and dear to the hearts of most people around the world, and she has been Foreign Minister now for a little over a month and it's delightful to have her here in Washington.

We've had a great opportunity to discuss our strategic partnership with Greece. This is a relationship that is first and foremost, of course, based on values. It is a relationship that recognizes the seminal role of Greece as a cradle of those values and recognizes that in the modern era in which we find ourselves now with so many challenges that Greece is a stalwart partner in the spread of democratic values, whether it be in Greece's work in the Broader Middle East Initiative, in which we've all been involved, promoting stability and prosperity in the Balkans, fighting terrorism and, of course, seeking the reunification of Cyprus on the basis of democratic values.

We have had a very useful discussion of these issues, as well as the concerns of NATO in Afghanistan, in the training mission in Iraq, in Sudan. In other words, it's been a very broad and good discussion and I look forward to many, many more with Dora over the years.

So welcome and the floor is yours.

FOREIGN MINISTER BAKOYANNIS: Thank you, Condi, and thank you for the nice words about Athens. We had a very fruitful and constructive meeting with U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and I thank her for this invitation. The U.S. and Greece enjoy an historic relationship. It is the relationship between the world's most powerful democracy and the world's oldest democracy, the birth place of our shared values and ideals.

In our talks we sought effective ways of enhancing this relationship. We discussed developments in the western Balkans, a region of strategic importance for Greece, where we have a strong political and economic presence. We agreed that the future of the western Balkans lies in Europe, that any solution to the problem of Kosovo may take into account all parts concerned and the stability of the region.

We believe in a united bicommunal Cyprus. As I had the opportunity to stress to my colleague a solution to the Cyprus problem will only be viable if it is based on relevant Security Council resolutions, the UN Secretary General's sets of proposals and the norms of the EU to which Cyprus belongs.

We both support Turkey's European aspirations, but I must say that Turkish European future lies in its own hands on the application of the European norms and practices, both inside Turkey and in their relationships with the neighbors, particularly Greece and Cyprus.

We discussed all major international issues, especially the Middle East, Iran and, naturally, Iraq. Greece enjoying a 14 centuries-long relationship with the Islamic world is well suited to play a role in the better understanding between the West and Islam.

Let me conclude by saying that I had the pleasure of inviting Secretary Rice to Greece and she -- and I was very happy that she accepted my invitation. Thank you very much.

MR. MCCORMACK: We'll take two questions a side. The first question to Anne Gearan from Associated Press.

QUESTION: Good afternoon. A double-barreled question on Iran, Madame Secretary. First, are you any closer today to winning the support of Russia and China for a statement at the Security Council? Are you looking for an alternative to that statement if you can't reach consensus?

And secondly, is there anything new to report on whether or not the United States will hold talks with Iran on Iraq?

SECRETARY RICE: Thank you, Anne. Let me start by saying that the United Nations Security Council now has the Iran dossier. That was the agreement of the ministers when we met in London, the P-5 + 1 when we met in London at the end of January. We agreed to wait for the report of Mohamed ElBaradei, the Director General of the IAEA, at the Board of Governors meeting March 6th through 8th, and then we are now taking that up in the UN Security Council.

There is no time for delay in taking up this issue. A presidential statement which will reaffirm the understandings that we had at the London meeting, the understandings that under-girded the February 4th resolution in the Board of Governors for which a number of countries, including Russia, voted. We need to have this statement and to make clear to the Iranians that the international community is united in demanding that Iran return to a posture that is consistent with its NPT obligations and consistent with the international community's need to know that Iran is, indeed, conducting a peaceful nuclear program. There is an erosion of confidence in Iran on this point because they lied to the IAEA for 18 years. They do want a civil nuclear program. That's fine. They can have one, but not with enrichment and reprocessing on Iranian territory. They need to suspend the activities in which they're engaged and return to negotiations.

There shouldn't be any delay. There can't be any stalling. The international community has got to act. People are looking to the international community to show that this can, indeed, be dealt with diplomatically. And we are committed to a diplomatic solution, but it has to be dealt with.

On the matter of what we might do with the Iranians in terms of talks, as I've said a number of times, this authority for Ambassador Khalilzad has been a standing authority for some time and we have found it useful from time to time to talk about concerns on the security side, to raise our concerns on the security side, and he has that standing authority. Those talks would be limited to Iraq and limited to security issues. Ambassador Neumann has similar authorities in Afghanistan.

QUESTION: Thank you. Good afternoon, ladies. I have a question for Madame Secretary. In one way this is a follow-up of a question I put last year of this day. We are talking about strategic partnership between the two countries. Last year, the same expression in answer to me. Could you please give me the substance of this partnership, of this strategic (inaudible)? Thank you.

SECRETARY RICE: Thank you. What does it mean to be a strategic partner? It means first and foremost that you share the desire to solve problems in the international system and to come up with solutions and to execute those solutions together on the basis of shared values, on the basis of common concerns.

It doesn't mean that we always agree on every element concerning a particular problem. But it does mean that Greece and the United States, from the strongest possible basis of shared values, from our alliance in NATO, from the work that we are doing together in the Balkans, that we are now reaching past that to the broader Middle East where, as Dora said, Greece has a long history of relations with the Muslim world and is therefore an anchor for any outreach to the Muslim world and the efforts to help to support those who want a democratic future.

It means that we work together on the NATO efforts in Afghanistan. It means that we work together on the NATO efforts for training in Iraq. So I see it as a declaration of, first and foremost, our shared values but also our desire to use that very strong basis to solve common problems together. Even if from time to time we may not agree about everything, this is an excellent relationship and the United States is delighted to have such a good friend and partner in Greece.

QUESTION: Thank you. Next year I am not going to --

SECRETARY RICE: Next time you can ask the same question. (Laughter.)

QUESTION: Madame Secretary, you spoke with Afghan President Karzai today regarding the case of Abdul Rahman. What assurances did he give you on this? Are you -- have you been assured that Mr. Rahman's life will be spared and what would be a satisfactory outcome as far as the United States is concerned? And some European governments have weighed in on this as well. I'd be interested to hear the Greek view, if you care, Madame Foreign Minister.

SECRETARY RICE: Let me start from the point of view that there is no more fundamental issue for the United States than freedom of religion and religious conscience. This country was founded on that basis and it is at the heart of democracy. People must have a right to conscience and religious conscience.

This is a very deeply concerning development in Afghanistan and we have raised it at the highest levels. As you said, I called President Karzai and we've raised it in the strongest possible terms to make clear that it is our great hope and desire that Afghanistan will reaffirm what is already in its constitution, that the universal -- that the Universal Declaration on Human Rights will be respected and that this will be resolved in a way that is consistent with those principles. That is what would mean -- a satisfactory outcome would mean.

I've talked to President Karzai. I've talked to the Afghan Foreign Minister. We will make other representations as well and we look forward to, hopefully, to a resolution of this in the very near future.

FOREIGN MINISTER BAKOYANNIS: Well, I agree. I think religious freedom is one of the cornerstones of the democracy which is being built up. It will take time. Societies don't change from one day to another. But we have to stick to those values. We have to believe in them and be very consistent if we really want to see the results we are expecting. And I believe that there might be some setbacks. There might be and there will be problems, but at the end of the day this kind of new democracy, which is a very new thing for the Afghan society, it will prevail.

QUESTION: Madame Secretary, Greece has taken a number of courageous and positive decisions in supporting Turkey's European perspective, though Ankara seems not to follow constructive policies in a number of issues like Ecumenical Patriarchate in Istanbul or the Halki religion and et cetera. Would we have, please, a comment of you on these issues? Thank you.

SECRETARY RICE: Thank you. Well, the United States has strongly supported good relations between Turkey and Greece, the effort to work out -- to reach out. I remember at the time of the earthquake the very helpful efforts that took place on a humanitarian basis that demonstrated that Turkey and Greece have come a very long way in their relations.

We are asking both parties to do as much as they can. I do know that a lot of courageous steps have been taken. The Minister raised Halki with me and we, of course, raised Halki with the Turkish Government on a number of occasions, including at very high levels.

And so we have a common view that -- we have a view that Turkey and Greece have a great deal in common -- in their NATO membership, in their desire for a stable Balkans, their desire for a stable Iraq and indeed, as Turkey has become more and more democratic over time, in shared values. And so there's a lot to work with here and I'm sure that with goodwill and effort on both sides, they will be able to succeed in improving the relationship.

Before we go I wanted to take one other opportunity and that's to congratulate Greece. It will be the 185th anniversary of independence on March 25th and so congratulations. And I also noticed, Dora, that when you said that I'd accepted the invitation to Greece, I had a lot of smiles among my press corps, who are now looking forward to that trip to Athens. So thank you very much.

FOREIGN MINISTER BAKOYANNIS: You're all invited.

SECRETARY RICE: Thank you.

FOREIGN MINISTER BAKOYANNIS: Thank you very much.

The newly appointed Foreign Minister of Greece did not mince words during her interview today with the Associated Press. FM Dora Bakoyannis stated that Turkey must live up to its obligations as a prospective EU member ... "All countries adjusted their laws, accepted the European standards so that they could join the EU. Turkey must also do this. There is no Europe a la carte for any country, and not for Turkey." Well said. Read more on Foreign Minister Bakoyannis’ interview here.

From USA Today:

Ancient sarcophagus unearthed in Cyprus
By George Psyllides, The Associated Press

NICOSIA, Cyprus — A 2,500-year-old sarcophagus with vivid color illustrations from Homer's epics has been discovered in western Cyprus, archaeologists said Monday.
read more »

Workers from the Antiquities Department working in the ancient tomb in Kouklia village near the coastal town of Paphos, Cyprus, on Thursday, March 16, 2006. An extremely rare, 2,500 year old stone coffin with well preserved color illustrations from Homer's epics has been discovered in the western part of Cyprus. The white stone sarcophagus was accidentally discovered by construction workers last week in a tomb near the village of Kouklia. The artifact dated to 500 B.C., when Greek cultural influence was gaining a firm hold on the Mediterranean island of Cyprus.

... that “larnacaairport.com” directs you to a website that is promoting occupied Cyprus? The link above directs you to the website of the "Ministry of Economy and Tourism" of North Cyprus.

From The Cyprus Weekly:

Crisis Group report denounced as shockingly pro-Turkish


Turkey and TCs praised for Annan Plan acceptance


A REPORT by the "International Crisis Group" (ICG) on the Cyprus situation in Cyprus was denounced as completely biased, pro-Turkish and as such inconsequential and unacceptable by Government Spokesman George Lillikas and other Greek Cypriot personalities yesterday.

The report entitled `The Cyprus Stalemate: What Next?' which was presented in Nicosia on Wednesday, cites President Tassos Papadopoulos as the main obstacle to a Cyprus settlement.

Its main theme is that the controversial Annan Plan, which was overwhelmingly rejected by the Greek Cypriots in the 2004 referendum, "represents the only feasible basis for a reunification solution," and praises Turkey and the Turkish Cypriots for accepting it in a their separate referendum.

The 30-page report analyses the situation in a way that absolves Turkey completely of any blame for its continuing occupation of north Cyprus (something it studiously avoids mentioning) and its consequences.

No reference to UN resolutions


It also avoids any reference to the ethnic cleansing of the Greek Cypriot population of the north, the gross violations of the human rights of the displaced Greek Cypriot refugees, and to the judgements of the European Court of Human Rights.

These found Turkey guilty, repeatedly ordering it to allow the refugees to return and to regain their usurped properties This is something restricted by the Annan Plan which is so strongly backed by the IGC report.

IGC also avoids any reference to the numerous UN resolutions that demand the reunification of the island, the unconditional return of the refugees, the withdrawal of the Turkish occupation troops and the tens of thousands of mainland settlers introduced to the occupied north in violation of the Geneva Conventions. These resolutions brand the breakaway Turkish Cypriot state illegal and a vassal state of Turkey and urge the international community to have nothing to do with it. Despite this the IGC report's other main thrust is for and ending to the ``isolation'' of the breakaway Turkish Cypriot state as a reward for its acceptance of the Annan Plan.

It is as if this acceptance by itself automatically nullifies the judgements of the Rights Court and the UN resolutions, legitimising the breakaway state and all the other illegal consequences of the Turkish invasion and occupation. Indeed the report argues that ``the 2004 vote in the north for reunification has invalidated the political logic of isolation.''

In connection with the settlers the report says their influx continues and warns that this increases the risk of the Turkish Cypriots "becoming a minority in their own part of the island," taking it for granted that the north belongs to them and not to the people of Cyprus as a whole!

While pushing hard on the "isolation" issue the report avoids reference to the substantial financial gain of the economy of the north resulting from the income of the thousands of Turkish Cypriots crossing to work in the south, of the government pension payments to the north and free medical aid.

It also avoids explaining that the "isolation," where it exists, is brought on as much by the breakaway state itself which insists on being treated as an equal with the Cyprus government. This insistence prompted it to reject EU aid of 120m euros, insisting this should be paid to it direct and not through the Cyprus government!

Criticism of Papadopoulos


In its determination to blame President Papadopoulos, the report ignores his repeated statements that a Cyprus settlement must be firmly based on the relevant UN resolutions, respect for Human Rights, the judgements of the Rights Court, and, following the accession of Cyprus to the European Union, compliance with the EU aquis, or basic EU principles.

These fundamental demands are also ignored by the Annan Plan and this was one of the main reasons for its overwhelming rejection by the Greek Cypriots in the 2004 referendum.

It is for these reasons, among others, that the plan was accepted in the separate Turkish Cypriot referendum whose outcome was determined by the participation of the illegal Turkish mainland settlers who had every reason to vote `Yes,' since the plan legitimises their stay in the island.

The report states bluntly that "the most substantial blockage of such an agreement (based on the Annan Plan) is now the policy and attitude of the Greek Cypriot leadership and in particular of President Tassos Papadopoulos."

It charges that President Papadopoulos "does not seem to have any inclination, or coherent strategy on how, to get reunification back on track, and the prospects of achieving it look bleak."

The report rejects the conclusions of the Annan-Papadopoulos Paris meeting last month as inconsequential. It declares that this ended with "no indication of serious re-engagement by the Greek Cypriot side."

This contrasts glaringly with the view of the US Ambassador to Cyprus Ronald Schlicher who, during a visit to Limassol this week, described the outcome of the Paris meeting as a major breakthrough in the settlement efforts.

In its staunch support of the Annan Plan, the report quotes people backing it but avoids any parallel reference to the many prominent international critics, including eminent jurists, who maintain it is so flawed, and pro-Turkish, as to be unacceptable.

'We gave Cyprus to Turkey in form of the Annan Plan'


In this respect, it is worth recalling the blunt public admission by a senior United States State Department official, who summed up the situation by declaring in public that "we gave Cyprus to Turkey in the form of the Annan Plan."

Report excerpts and comments

THE report is too long to reproduce in full. Here are some of its key points, glaring inconsistencies and recommendations (with page reference):

1 - The report refers to Turkey's right to intervene militarily under the Treaty of Guarantee following the 1974 coup by the Greek junta. But it avoids clarifying that this right was strictly aimed at restoring the constitutional order, not to occupy the north, expel the Greek Cypriot population and eventually proclaim a breakaway state.

4 - Reference to ``143,000 Turkish Cypriots going to the polls'' in the 1974 referendum, without specifying that this figure included the illegal mainland settlers who had every reason to vote `Yes," and who outnumbered the native voters as claimed by Turkish Cypriots themselves.

7 - Saying that that "Claims that the Annan Plan violated EU law and the European Convention of Human Rights are overstated." This in effect admits that rights are violated, but sidelines the natural expectation that any violations must cease, and not be condoned.

7 - "Complaints about the Annan Plan's toleration of the continued presence of Turkish troops are overstated ... Complete demilitarisation of the island was unattainable in the context of the 1960 constitutional treaties, which were not in question in the 2004 referendum.'' It is strange that the report justifies the presence of the Turkish troops under the 1960 treaties, but ignored all the other provisions of the same treaties which are also ignored by the Annan Plan.

7 - The report argues that the Greek Cypriots should have voted yes in the referendum ``so that many refugees could return home, rather than `no' so that none could return.'' The `No' vote was precisely because the Annan Plan did not allow all the refugees to return, as demanded by UN resolutions and international law.

13 - In a remarkable piece of advice to the Greek Cypriots, the report says that "if they are worried about the Turkish Cypriots seeking recognition, they should call their presumed bluff and accept the Annan Plan."

20 - In an even more remarkable passage, the report makes a brief comment that unwittingly reveals the main obstacle to a settlement all these years. The comment says that following its accession to the EU Cyprus is using this to increase pressure on Turkey. But it then adds that "it is most improbable that any Turkey government now or in the future could afford to give up Cyprus for the sake of EU membership." This is clearly an admission that Turkey intends to maintain its hold on Cyprus no matter what.

Threat of secession is repeated


Taking this further, the report in effect warns that if the EU rejects Turkey's full membership, then "Turkey's incentives to seek accommodation with anyone in the EU, let alone the Cyprus government, would greatly diminish, and the likelihood of a push for TRNC secession would accordingly increase.''

21 - The threat of secession is also repeated in a reference to the likelihood of the rejection of an agreed solution in a second referendum. In such a case "the two communities could then be granted the option of separate self-determination by the international community."

28 - The report argues that following the accession of Cyprus to the EU, "the EU has become part and parcel of the conflict and cannot credibly undertake a mediating role: this will remain the responsibility of the UN." But the EU should assist in ``the economic development and European integration of northern Cyprus and contribute constructively to the much-abused `European solution' slogan on the island.'' It should also increase bilateral contacts with Turkish Cypriot politicians and maintain ``constant pressure on the Greek Cypriot government to moderate its intransigence.''

29 - The EU, the US and other states should open branch offices in the north.

Expanding on this, the report says one option that could be considered, "if international impatience with the Greek Cypriots became very strong," would be for the UN to decide that a Cyprus delegation would only be seated if it included representations from both communities.

Other intergovernmental institutions such as the Council of Europe "could follow suit." If Cyprus refused, the report says, this would "open the way for the separate international political representation of the Turkish Cypriots, with all that would imply."

International Crisis Group

Report extremely biased

THE government and Greek Cypriots in general were rightly angered this week by the extremely biased, pro-Turkish report of the International Crisis Group entitled "Reflections on the Cyprus Stalemate: What Next?"

The government tried to play down the importance of the report, arguing that the IGC is a little-known group and that its biased report is of no consequence.

The wide distribution of the report, however, is clearly a major public relations coup for Turkey and the breakaway Turkish Cypriot state who are presented as the angels in the Cyprus imbroglio, while President Tassos Papadopoulos is demonised as the main obstacle to a settlement.

The nature of the report was summed up perfectly by Andreas Theophanous, the Director of the Research and development Centre of Intercollege. He described it as an attempt at historical revisionism similar to the attempt by certain people who argue the Nazi holocaust never happened, since the authors of the ICG report also claim Turkey committed no war crimes or human rights violations in Cyprus.

Anyone even faintly informed about the Cyprus problem realises, of course, how unfair and deliberately misleading the report by the allegedly independent ICG is and how baseless is its demonisation of President Papadopoulos.

The vast majority of people everywhere who are unaware of the intricacies of the Cyprus problem, or of the unpunished continuing war crimes and gross human rights violations committed by Turkey as a result of its continuing occupation of north Cyprus, will undoubtedly form an erroneous view of the Cyprus problem if they come across this report. This is all the more worrying since the ICG Board of Governors is a perfectly respectable, widely representative collection of 56 prominent international personalities, including former Prime Ministers and other senior politicians, diplomats and other VIPs from many countries.

One may well wonder whether any of these 56 governors are aware of the report or even if they have read, and agree with its twisted conclusions.

This is immaterial however; the sad reality is that this report has been published and may damage the just cause of Cyprus.

One would have expected that the Cyprus government would have wasted no time in arranging a press conference, or at least in issuing a statement, to demolish the gross inaccuracies and castigate the equally gross omissions and deliberate misrepresentations of the ICG report, allowing its presenters to remain officially unchallenged.

Viewpoint, Cyprus Weekly, March 2006

I found the link to this video from David Koyzi's website. It is video footage taken last year of Famagusta including the ghost town of Varosha in the occupied North. A small bit of info on Famagusta: When Famagusta was conquered by the Ottoman Turks in 1571, the Cypriot inhabitants were expelled from the old walled city but did not leave the area and settled close by to the south. Varosh means suburb in Turkish, so Varosha refers to the suburb of Famagusta. Today, Famagusta can mean both, the old walled town of Famagusta and the ghost town of Varosha.

Chiesa (Italiana) talks about Cyprus and the pillaging and destruction that occurred after the Turkish invasion. Here is the article in its entirety:

Cyprus: Portrait of a Christianity Obliterated
In the northern part of the island, occupied by Turkey, the churches have become stables or mosques. The diary of a trip beyond the wall

by Sandro Magister

ROMA, March 9 2006 – The island of Cyprus was the first destination of the “special mission” that the Holy Spirit entrusted to Paul and Barnabas, according to what is written in the Acts of the Apostles, in chapter 13.

On the island they found a Roman governor, Sergius Paulus, “an intelligent man who wanted to hear the word of God and believed, deeply shaken by the teaching of the Lord.”

But if Paul and Barnabas were to return to Cyprus today, to the northern part of the island, they would find not the Romans as governors, but the Turks.

And instead of a Christianity being born, they would find a dying Christianity, with the churches and monasteries in ruin, or else transformed into stables, hotels, and mosques.

This is documented in a startling report from Luigi Geninazzi, who was sent to Cyprus by “Avvenire,” the newspaper of the Italian bishops’ conference.

Cyprus became part of the European Union on May 1, 2004. But this was true only for the southern part of the island, which is Greek and Christian.

The northern part was occupied by Turkey in 1974, with 40,000 soldiers. The Turkish occupation caused death, destruction, and a forced relocation of populations. About 200,000 Greek Cypriots of the Christian Orthodox faith who lived in the north of the island fled to the south. And likewise, the Turkish Cypriots of the south, Muslims, moved to the north.

In 1983 Turkey consolidated the occupation by creating a Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, which is internationally recognized only by the government of Ankara: 180,000 persons live there, 100,000 of whom are colonists originally from Anatolia.

A wall guarded by the blue helmets of the United Nations divides the two parts of the island and cuts through the capital, Nicosia. In April of 2004, the UN placed before a referendum a plan of confederation between the two states, but this was rejected by the Greek Cypriots of the south, who are four times as numerous as the Turkish Cypriots of the north.

The Islamization of the north of the island has been concretized in the destruction of all that was Christian. Yannis Eliades, director of the Byzantine Museum of Nicosia, calculates that 25,000 icons have disappeared from the churches in the zone occupied by the Turks.

For a Turkey that aspires to enter the European Union, its actions in the north of Cyprus give a terrible impression of itself.

And what it has done in destroying the Christian presence begun by Paul and Barnabas is described in the report that follows, published in “Avvenire” on Sunday, February 26:


"They did not even spare the stone altar..."

by Luigi Geninazzi

Europe ends here, in the most beautiful island of the Mediterranean, torn by a wall that splits it in two. Europe ends abruptly along a barrier of barbed wire, cement, and military turrets that splits Cyprus along its entire width and divides Nicosia, a capital wounded in its ancient heart.

For the UN, which guards over it with its blue helmets, it is the “green line.” But here the people continue to call it the “Attila line,” from the name that the Turks gave to the invasion.

The scourge has left its marks. It has struck Cyprus, the site of the most ancient Christian community on European soil, in its artistic, cultural, and religious treasury: stupendous Byzantine and Romanesque churches, imposing monasteries, mosaics and frescoes of inestimable value. It is a heritage that in the northern part of the island, under Turkish occupation, has been sacked, violated, and destroyed.

To realize this it is enough to cross the “Attila line” at the checkpoint of Nicosia, and there you are in the so-called Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, which greets the visitor with a large banner on which is written a topsy-turvy welcome: “How happy I am to be a Turk!” (a famous phrase of Kemal Ataturk). The nationalist pride of the descendents of the Ottoman empire has also modified the natural countryside, carving the crescent moon and the red star on the side of the Pentadattilos mountains, which dominate the wide plains.

The Turkish flag billows on the façade of the church of Agia Paraskevi, in the once Greek Orthodox village of Angastina. A sign says that work is underway to transform it into a mosque. The bell tower, which no longer bears a cross, is a strange minaret with the loudspeaker of the muezzin fixed upon an archway.

Christodoulos, the young archeologist accompanying me, is visibly shaken: “I was baptized here,” he says in a voice hoarse with emotion. He is one of the 200,000 Greek Cypriot refugees who, thirty years ago, lived in the north of the island and were chased out of their homes.

Christodoulos kneels on the spot where he was once baptized and lights a candle. The Turkish construction workers, squatting in front of the apse for their lunch break, look at him curiously: “Every time I come back to this area, it’s always worse,” he sighs.

We stop at Trachoni, where a jewel of the Renaissance once stood, the church of the Panagia, Our Lady. Now only the walls are left; the interior bears the signs of vandalism that has not spared even the stone altar, the pieces of which have ended up in a hole dug recently to search for who knows what treasure.

Ours is a sad pilgrimage that at every stop adds to one’s outrage and disbelief, a via dolorosa that retraces the places of Christian memory at risk of disappearing. At the village of Peristerona, on the road to Famagosta, the medieval monastery of Saint Anastasia (see photo) is being used as a stable, with the cows chewing their cud amid what remains of the ancient cells. The tombs of the cemetery have been profaned, and the gravestones broken.

We leave the countryside behind and go to the coast. Here many of the churches have been turned into restaurants, bars, and nightclubs, for the enjoyment of the tourists. At the top of the rock of Lapethos, which juts out over the sea, the church and convent of Agia Anastasia have become a sumptuous hotel with a swimming pool dug into the cloister, and a casino under the bell tower.

Almost the entire artistic patrimony of the Orthodox Church in the territory occupied by the Turks – 520 buildings between churches, chapels, and monasteries – has been sacked, demolished, or disfigured. Only three churches and one monastery, the monastery of Saint Barnabas, which has been turned into a museum, are in a more or less dignified state.

“The ruin is before our eyes, but the European Union prefers to look the other way,” the Cypriot foreign minister, George Iacovou, bitterly tells us. “The only hope is that, in the course of negotiations for Turkey’s adhesion to the EU, someone might pull out the dossier of shame.”

The Byzantine Academy of Nicosia has gathered detailed and meticulous documentation on the occupied churches in Cyprus. And for two years an attempt has been made at religious dialogue, with the support of the Orthodox bishop Nikiforos of the historic monastery of Kykko: “We have met with the Muslim leaders headed by Lefka, and I told them that respect for our places of worship is the basis for cooperation.” Nikiforos is moderately optimistic: “I encountered a lot of understanding. Errors have been made on both sides; we must overcome the divisions of the past and walk together.”

But the last word belongs to the politicians. Huseyn Ozel, a government spokesman for the so-called Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, displays great cordiality with the foreign journalist. The destroyed and sacked churches? “There was a war, and bad things happened on both sides,” he explains.

I point out to him that most of the mosques in Greek Cypriot territory have been restored, while his government has authorized the transformation of churches into restaurants and hotels, an insult to the sentiment of believers. “They did this to keep the buildings from falling into ruin, and anyway, these are decisions made by the preceding government, which I do not share,” Ozel counters.

I insist: what do you have to say about the churches that, still today, are being turned into mosques? The Turkish Cypriot functionary spreads his arms wide: “It is an Ottoman custom...”

It as a tradition that, unfortunately, continues. An unsettling calling card for a Turkey that aspires to enter the European club.

__________

The Greek Orthodox bishop: "Europe, intervene!"

An interview with Chrisostomos Englistriota

In Cyprus, the head of the Church has always been an ethnarch, too, a leader of the people. This directly political role was exercised by the famous archbishop Makarios, the charismatic leader of the rebellion against the English domination during the 1950’s, and the first president of the independent republic of Cyprus.

“Our Church doesn’t practice politics anymore, but its authority has not diminished,” recalls the bishop of Paphos, Chrisostomos Englistriota. Since His Beatitude Chrisostomos I was struck by a grave illness, the bishop of Paphos has carried out his functions as leader of the Holy Synod of the Orthodox Church on the island.

Q: Your Excellency, Cyprus remains divided. Can the Greek Orthodox Church foster dialogue between the parties?

A: “It is a situation that saddens us deeply, the result of a completely illegal military occupation. A true dialogue is impossible, because the Turkish Cypriots do not enjoy any autonomy, the last word belongs to the government of Ankara.”

Q: Are there contacts among the religious exponents?

A: “Some of our bishops have met with the leaders of the Turkish Cypriot Islamic community. It’s important to us to have good relations with them, but then when it comes time to discuss concrete matters, like the problem of the sacking and profanation of our churches, they don’t know what to say, they refer everything to the political authorities.”

Q: Have you tried to raise the question in international circles?

A: “Yes, of course. We have repeatedly turned to the European Union to ask for their intervention. The last time was in the autumn of 2004, after Cyprus entered the EU.”

Q: The results?

A: “Nothing so far. My personal conviction is that the European governments should exert pressure on Turkey, above all in this phase of the opening of negotiations for the entry of Ankara into the Union. But they don’t want to take advantage of this opportunity. And so the more time passes, the more our sacred places in the northern part of Cyprus are falling into ruin. The Turks want to destroy every trace of Hellenism and of Christianity. Only strong international pressure can stop them.”

An International Relations Debacle
The UN Secretary-General's Mission of Good Offices in Cyprus 1999-2004

Claire Palley

This book by Claire Palley, is a must read for those interested in the Cyprus problem and how the final version of the Annan plan came to be. The roles played by major powers exerting strong influence on the UN are emphasized in this book. Its amazing how the Cypriot voters were given only three weeks to consider a 9,000 or so page plan. A plan that practically met all Turkish demands, crafted to decriminalize Turkey's policy on Cyprus and to pave the way for a smooth accession of Turkey into the EU. On 24 April 2004, democracy had spoken in Cyprus as the Greek Cypriots used their democratic right at the ballot box, rejecting what they've been told in no uncertain terms to accept. The book (pp. 395, h/b,) sells for CY£23.65

A shopkeeper counts bras in a donation box in a shop in Nicosia, Cyprus, Friday, March 3, 2006. Cypriot cancer activists said they hope to create the world's longest chain of bras next month to raise money and awareness for breast cancer treatment. A sign on the box urges women to donate bras to create the longest chain in the world for entry in the Guinness Book of Records. Cypriot Cancer Patients Support Group: www.cancerpatientssupport.com

Following their meeting today in Paris, President Papadopoulos and the Secretary-General Kofi Annan held a joint press conference.

Question: What will be the role of the EU during this process?

Secretary-General: As you know, during the exercise of my good offices over the years, we have cooperated very effectively with the European Union and we intended to cooperate with them. In some situations they have provided experts and they have provided other assistance. In some cases, [we] exchanged ideas on some of the technical issues and process, of the exercise of my good offices and I would expect [them] to work with me in that spirit. Besides, they have a direct interest in the settlement of this issue.

President Papadopoulos: I agree with the Secretary-General. Our position is very clear. We want the European Union to have a more active role in the process and I have assurances that they are prepared to do that. The Cyprus problem remains under the aegis of the United Nations and the Secretary-General.

Secretary-General: As I said, the EU has always been supportive and I expect them to continue to be supportive. There is no problem about it.

Question: Mr. Secretary-General, what to you think of the recent Turkish proposals and, second, are you planning to invite Mr. Talat for the same meeting and are you going to appoint a new Cyprus envoy?

Secretary-General: First of all, we just wished Mr. Talat well. Be patient and be merciful. Let him get well first. Once he’s back on his feet, it is not excluded that we will have an opportunity to meet in New York some time in the future. As I said, we took stock of the negotiations, of the process of settlement of the Cyprus issue and we also touched on the Turkish initiative. We are going to take a look at a whole series of actions and Turkey does admit that it has an obligation, under the EU requirement, to undertake certain steps which it will take. But, of course, there were other measures proposed in their plan of action and, today, we looked at a whole series of other activities that the two sides can undertake, am I talking of the Turkish Cypriot side and [the Greek Cypriot side] and we will see what proposals we bring together for the parties to act on.

On the question of appointment of an envoy, yes, in the application of my Good Offices I usually do have an envoy and, at the right time, I will appoint an envoy, but that does not mean that we are not doing any work on the question. First of all, I have a very competent Special Representative on the ground, Mr. Michael Mψller, whom I hope most of you have met, and he’s going to work with the parties on certain steps and certain actions that they will need to take. We will be back-stopping and preparing for these things in New York with my Under-Secretary-General, Ibrahim Gambari and his staff, and when the time is ripe I will appoint an envoy.

Question: Did you also discuss the issue of the missing people?

Secretary-General: Yes, we are just about to appoint a third member of the [Missing Persons] Committee and they will begin their work very soon and I do expect the two communities to work very expeditiously on this and move forward. There will be a full-time member [of the Committee] on the island.

Question: Do you consider this meeting with President Papadopoulos a step forward in the process of the Cyprus forward?

Secretary-General: In negotiations, sometimes people say that as long as you are talking you are making progress. But what I have indicated, what I would want to see, is a much narrower gap between our words and our actions. In the next couple of months, we are going to do whatever we can to do narrow that gap as we move ahead with the process.

Question: Mr. Secretary-General did you get in this meeting some new ideas from Pres. Papadopoulos [inaudible] and that the process will start soon. Is there enough time to do it before the end of your term?

Secretary-General: Let me say that, yes, there were quite a few proposals that were put on the table this afternoon, which we are going to analyze carefully and see how we can put them into action, after consulting the other side, working together and come up with a programme of action which we can begin to work on the ground. Obviously, when you are handling these sorts of negotiations, where there is a will among the parties things can move very fast. When the will is not there, it can take you a long time. Let’s start with the initiatives I just said that we discussed today and begin to take concrete steps and see how things can be accelerated. And I hope that it will help bridge what I refer to as the gap between words and actions.

Question: It is a symbolic question. We see you for the first time standing outside of the UN in front of the flag of the Republic of Cyprus. Is this some kind of measures that we have to keep in mind?

Secretary-General: Let me assure you that I will not want his job. I am looking forward at the end of the year, of having a balance between action and reflection and taking some rest. So, do not worry, I am not heading to Nicosia to take on another job.

President Papadopoulos: I will send my best wishes to Mr. Talat for a quick recovery. I wish him a speedy recovery. [inaudible]

Question: Mr. Annan how optimistic are you?

Secretary-General: I am always optimistic.