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Thursday, July 23, 2009

CYPRUS’ RELIGIOUS CULTURAL HERITAGE IN PERIL

COMMISSION ON SECURITY & COOPERATION IN EUROPE:
U.S. HELSINKI COMMISSION


BRIEFING:
CYPRUS’ RELIGIOUS CULTURAL HERITAGE IN PERIL

WITNESSES:
DR. CHARALAMPOS CHOTZAKOGLOU,
PROFESSOR OF BYZANTINE ART AND ARCHAEOLOGY, HELLENIC OPEN UNIVERSITY AND MUSEUM
OF KYKKOS MONASTERY

DR. KLAUS GALLAS,
ART HISTORIAN AND BYZANTINE EXPERT

MICHAEL JANSEN,
AUTHOR,
“WAR AND CULTURAL HERITAGE:
CYPRUS AFTER THE 1974 TURKISH INVASION”

THE HEARING WAS HELD FROM 2:02 P.M. TO 3:02 P.M. IN B-318 RAYBURN HOUSE OFFICE
BUILDING, WASHINGTON, D.C., [RONALD J. MCNAMARA, POLICY ADVISOR, CSCE],
MODERATING

TUESDAY, JULY 21, 2009



RONALD MCNAMARA: Great, if you could take your seats, please. Welcome to this
briefing of the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe. My name is
Ron McNamara and I’ll be serving as the moderator for this afternoon’s briefing
presentations.

At the outset, let me express apologies because the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee is having a business meeting right now which requires our chairman,
Senator Cardin’s participation. And then, as things go on Capitol Hill, the
House of Representatives has scheduled the official photograph of the members
of the 111th Congress to be taken just prior to the briefing. So there may be
a number of members and commission members coming in and out and we certainly
will accommodate them when they appear.

I’m pleased to welcome you to this commission briefing on “Cyprus’ Religious
Cultural Heritage in Peril.” Today’s session is part of the commission’s
ongoing efforts to assess implementation of OSCE commitments by participating
states. In 1991, those states gathered in Cracow, Poland, for the Symposium on
the Cultural Heritage. The document agreed to by all countries at that meeting
included language particularly relevant to the issue before us this afternoon.

The OSCE acknowledged the important contribution of religious faiths,
institutions and organizations to the cultural heritage and committed
themselves to cooperate closely with such groups regarding the preservation of
the cultural heritage, paying due attention to monuments and objects of
religious origin whose original communities no longer use them or no longer
exist in the particular region.

Given its particular applicability to the situation in northern Cyprus, I would
repeat that last part of the text: “whose original communities no longer use
them or no longer exist in the particular region.”

In stark contrast to the situation in the North, which I recently had an
opportunity to visit, scores of mosques and other Islamic places of worship are
maintained by the Cypriot government in the southern part of the country.

Against this backdrop, the commission requested that the law Library of
Congress prepare a report on relevant international law governing protection
and preservation of religious cultural heritage. We appreciate the assistance
that was rendered by the library’s staff and I’m pleased to make that report
available via the commission’s Web site. So if you visit our Web site after
the conclusion of the briefing and click on www.csce.gov you should be able to
access that particular report prepared by the law Library of Congress. As part
of the commission’s investigation into these matters, I also, as I mentioned,
had an opportunity to recently visit that part of Cyprus.

Earlier this month, the OSCE parliamentary assembly adopted a series of
resolutions by one of our commission members, Senator Wicker, that called upon
all participating states: to implement their OSCE commitments and international
obligations; to ensure the preservation and protection of religious cultural
heritage sites including churches, chapels and monasteries as well as monuments
and objects of religious origin; to prevent the theft, clandestine excavation
and illicit export, import or transfer of ownership of cultural property; to
enhance their cooperation in efforts to prevent the illicit international
trafficking in objects of religious origin and other cultural property; and to
facilitate the restitution of illicitly exported cultural property; to help us
focus attention on the scope of the damage and destruction to Cyprus’ rich
religious cultural heritage in the northern part of the country.

I’m pleased to introduce our panelists (sic) of experts this afternoon. We’ll
start with Ms. Michael Jansen, an author and veteran journalist who has written
extensively on the destruction of cultural heritage in northern Cyprus. She is
the author of “War and Cultural Heritage: Cyprus after the 1974 Turkish
Invasion.”

Next we’ll here from Dr. Chotzakoglou, professor of Byzantine art and
archeology at the Hellenic Open University and the Museum of Kykkos Monastery.
He is the author of, “Religious Monuments in Turkish-Occupied Cyprus: Evidence
and Acts of Continuous Destruction.”

And, finally, we will hear from Dr. Klaus Gallas, an art historian and
Byzantine expert who has focused international attention on international art
smuggling of icons and other religious and archeological artifacts plundered
from northern Cyprus.

At the conclusion of the formal presentations and our briefing, I will invite
members of the audience who are interested and have time to be present for the
screening of an 18-minute video produced by Dr. Gallas entitled, “Where Heaven
Falls Prey to Thieves.”

Thank you for your presence this afternoon and I turn the floor over to Ms.
Jansen.

MICHAEL JANSEN: Thank you, Mr. McNamara. I am very pleased to be here and
very honored to speak to the Helsinki Commission. The looting of Cyprus’
cultural heritage is not only a crime against Cyprus but a crime against
humanity. We all are diminished by cultural loss of any kind. As a journalist
based in the Eastern Mediterranean, I have seen a great deal of war, the
scourge of the world’s cultural heritage.

Indeed, we are just picking up the pieces of the wanton destruction of Europe’s
heritage during World War II. What has happened since Turkey occupied northern
Cyprus 35 years ago has been even more dramatic than what took place in Europe.


The devastation is comprehensive and has taken place in a small area.
Churches, chapels, monasteries, libraries, museums and private collections of
religious art and antiquities were looted. Religious and historical sites have
been damaged, ravaged and destroyed. While the focus of this meeting is on the
island’s religious heritage, this is rooted in 12,000 years of history which
came before St. Paul and St. Barnabas brought Christianity to Cyprus.

The cleansing of religious and historical sites began as soon as Turkish troops
set foot in northern Cyprus on July 20, 1974, and continues until today.
Cultural cleansing proceeded in parallel with the ethnic cleansing of 162,000
Greek Cypriots living in the area occupied by Turkey. When the first phase of
the cleansing process ended in 1976, 158,000 Greek Cypriots had been driven
into the government-controlled south. Pillage was both random and conducted by
professional thieves and smugglers.

While gathering material for my book, “War and Cultural Heritage,” I
interviewed Dutch icon dealer Michel Van Rijn, who was in the North during July
1974. As he made his way to Nicosia along roads clogged with refugees, he saw
Turkish soldiers throwing icons from looted churches onto burning pyres. My
husband, a correspondent for The Economist of London, visited the area in
September 1974 and found that churches were open to both looters and vandals.
Nothing had been done to secure the churches when I went there in February
1975. Looters not only ravaged art but also, in the process of plundering,
destroyed religious buildings and archaeological sites.

During the second phase of the cultural cleansing of Cyprus, from 1977 through
1979, the number of Greek Cypriots residing in the North was reduced from 3,600
to 200 – 2,000, while specific treasures were targeted by local networks of
icons and antiquities smugglers.

The pillage was directed by Aydin Dikmen, a major Turkish black market dealer
in Munich. He had developed close connections with Turkish Cypriot looters and
smugglers well before 1974. The third phase began in 1980 and is ongoing.
Today fewer than 500 Greek Cypriots, most of them elderly, remain in enclaves
in the occupied North.

Theft continues from known and newly discovered archaeological sites and
illegal excavations are being conducted by Turkish archaeologists. Both church
buildings and historical sites are falling into rack and ruin due to neglect or
being exploited or bulldozed by developers.

Turkey is directly responsible for whatever takes place in northern Cyprus.
The cultural cleansing of the area could have been averted or curbed if Ankara
had honored its signature on the 1954 Hague Convention for the protection of
cultural heritage during war and occupation. But Turkey did not meet its
commitments.

There were several opportunities for the international community to press
Turkey to do so. The first came in 1974, ’75, before looting had become
widespread or focused on specific treasures. In mid-September 1974, less than
a month after the ceasefire, a Turkish team of experts visited northern Cyprus
and recommended that an inventory be made of both archaeological and church
treasures and that a senior archaeologist should be appointed to protect and
preserve cultural property.

In early October of that year, two experts from UNESCO toured sites in both
north and south and found war damage was slight. They called for the
appointment of a counselor for cultural heritage to supervise conservation and
restoration. UNESCO sent Canadian scholar, Jacques Dalibard, to Cyprus in
February 1975. He concluded that the establishment – uh, sorry. He concluded
that Cyprus should be regarded as “one huge monument” and called for the
establishment of a permanent presence in the North to supervise the protection
and restoration of antiquities and churches.

UNESCO suppressed the report, his life was threatened and nothing was done.
Between 1982 and 1989, European initiatives provided fresh opportunities to
halt depredation and destruction. These were undertaken by a subcommittee of
the parliamentary assembly of the Council of Europe and Europa Nostra. The
former dispatched a mission to Cyprus. It reported that most of the damage has
occurred in the North and is the result of looting evidently linked with a
highly professional international market in illegally exported art. Nothing
was done.

An opportunity also presented itself in 1989. This was the landmark trial in
Indianapolis where a judge ordered a local art dealer to return to Cyprus four
segments of an early 6th-century mosaic composition. These had been stripped
by Dikmen’s agents from a church in northern Cyprus.

The judge awarded the mosaics to Cyprus on the ground that, quote, “a thief
obtains no title or right of possession of stolen items,” unquote. Therefore,
quote, “a thief cannot pass on any right of ownership to subsequent
purchasers,” unquote. Nothing was done about Dikmen or continuing pillage and
destruction of the cultural heritage of Cyprus.

An opportunity to put Dikmen out of business was presented to Germany in 1970 –
1997 when the Munich police helped Van Rijn, poacher turned game keeper by this
time, to mount a sting operation designed to return stolen icons and
antiquities to Cyprus. Dikmen’s hoard of 8,000 items was seized; hundreds of
Cypriot artifacts were identified. Dikmen was put in prison.

He was released after a year and the treasures remain in Munich. Turkey may
not have set out to pillage and destroy the cultural heritage of northern
Cyprus, but Ankara did set out to change the area’s identity. Ankara cleansed
the Greek Cypriots and erased the Hellenic character of the North by replacing
Greek place names with Turkish names.

Turkey also collaborated in the destruction of the North’s dominant Christian
culture by allowing churches to collapse due to neglect or to be looted and to
be used as cinemas, restaurants, store houses and goat pens

Hundreds of churches and chapels, frescoes and icons had survived in the North
until the last quarter of the 20th century and provided spiritual uplift to
local Christian communities. Finally, I would like to suggest that the CSCE
has some responsibility for the division and ethnic and cultural cleansing of
Cyprus. As the Helsinki Accord was being negotiated, the Greek military junta
made a coup against the legitimate Cyprus government. Turkey occupied more
than 36 percent of island and Britain did nothing.

These three countries were guarantors of the island’s independence and
sovereignty. The OSCE also did nothing. The least the OSCE can do today is to
press Ankara to halt the destruction of Christian sites and illegal
archaeological excavations and stop traffic in icons and antiquities. Turkey
should also allow for the preservation and restoration of religious and
cultural sites. The OSCE should ensure that member states do not receive
stolen Cypriot art and antiquities. Thank you very much.

MR. MCNAMARA: Thank you very much. Our next speaker will be Dr. Chotzakoglou.
On the monitor to your right will be an ongoing slide presentation of images
that he has brought for this afternoon’s briefing.

CHARALAMPOS CHOTZAKOGLOU: I too would like to thank the Helsinki Commission
for inviting me to testify on an issue which I believe is of great importance.
Your decision to hold this briefing clearly indicates the seriousness and
concern of the issue under discussion.

Yesterday, in fact, marked 35 years since the Turkish invasion and occupation
of Cyprus which forcibly separated Greek and Turkish Cypriots along ethnic
lines and resulted in the destruction and desecration of Cyprus’ religious
cultural heritage in the occupied area.

In April 2003, the Turkish forces partially lifted the restrictions imposed on
crossings to and from the occupied area. This was the first time since 1974
that it was possible for Greek Cypriots to visit there. At that time I was
teaching at the University of Cyprus as visiting professor of medieval
Byzantine art, archaeology and architecture.

In cooperation with the nongovernmental Kykkos Museum, I recruited a team of
experts and proceeded to the detailed examination and photographic
documentation of every accessible religious monument in the occupied area. I
also sought to describe the state of conservation of the buildings,
mural/mosaic decoration and movable property.

Today the project is completed – after I was arrested twice by the Turkish
military police – and I can report to you that we possess a database of
approximately 20,000 photographs as well as a collection of photographic and
archive material of the monuments before 1974.

In some of these photographs you are going to see there, you can see the same
monument before 1974 and today, the situation today after the invasion. A
comparison of the monuments before and after the Turkish invasion easily shows
the scope of destruction and desecration.

Around 500 churches and religious sites belonging to the Greek-Orthodox
Autocephalous Church of Cyprus, the Greek-Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem,
the Holy Monastery of St. Catherine in Sinai, the Roman Catholic Church, the
Catholic-Armenian Church, the Catholic-Maronite Church, the Jewish community,
as well as the Protestant Church, along with their cemeteries have been
willfully desecrated, pillaged, looted and destroyed.

Furthermore, a considerable number of Christian churches have been converted
into military camps, mosques, stables, hencoops, ox and sheep stalls. In
addition, some are being used today as wheat chambers, storerooms and granaries
while a number were rented or sold to private individuals, who use them as art
studios, carpentry workshops, parking stations, coffee shops, residences,
cultural centers, gym centers, ceramic workshops, hotels, pubs, theaters,
nightclubs, museums, ottoman baths – hamam, sport clubs and dancing schools.
The Church of the Savior in the Chrysiliou village is used today as a mortuary.

UNESCO Report 25 of December 1984 states that “The Republic of Cyprus had
repeatedly applied to UNESCO and asked the mission of observers to report on
the condition of the monuments. So far the mission has met with the refusal of
the Turkish occupation regime.

Similarly, the Council of Europe, after a strict inspection of some occupied
churches, highlighted in a 1989 report the severe condition of the buildings
and requested their immediate conservation. The Church of Cyprus and the
government as well as societies, institutions, foundations, church committees
and individuals have tried unsuccessfully to get permission to restore, repair
and maintain their churches.

The archbishop of Cyprus proposed repeatedly to fund any needed restoration of
Muslim religious places in the North in addition to the funds provided by the
government. A mutual reaction regarding the permission of similar restoration
of the Christian monuments in the North never came.

Also, a commission of the Church of Cyprus for the religious heritage in Cyprus
was founded in 2008 where I am taking also part as an expert. But there was
again no response from the Turkish side.

Similarly, the declaration of the European parliament on September 5, 2006, on
the obligation of protection and conservation of the religious heritage in the
occupied area of Cyprus along with funding amounting to half-a-million euro for
that purpose met again with the Turkish refusal.

The direct responsibility of Turkey concerning the occupied area is clearly
stated in the decision of the European Court of Human Rights in the Fourth
Interstate Application of Cyprus against Turkey of May 10, 2001. Its decision
– in its decision, the European Court of Human Rights stated inter alia that
Turkey, quote “having effective overall control over northern Cyprus, its
responsibility cannot be confined to the acts of its own soldiers or officials
in northern Cyprus but must be also engaged by virtue of the acts of the local
administration which survives by virtue of Turkey’s military and other support.

The movable property of almost every church was looted. Most of the mural or
mosaic decorations were stripped away and a considerable number were located in
international art markets abroad. Some well-known legal cases, as the
Kanakaria case, Indianapolis court; the Antiphonitis case, Rotterdam court; the
Dikmen case, Munich court, as well as the published study of Ms. Jansen
demonstrate and prove the involvement and activity of Turkish looters in the
occupied areas.

Furthermore, cases as the stripped away of 13th-century frescos of the Lysi
chapel – now in Houston – and icons of the Koutzoventis monastery demonstrate
in the most obvious way the cooperation and involvement of the Turkish armed
forces in the illicit trade. Both the above-mentioned churches were situated
in areas under the direct control of the Turkish military. And the icons and
frescos were located later in the United States, Germany and in Holland.

There is no religious freedom in the Turkish-occupied areas of Cyprus for
non-Muslims since all of the communities I referred to earlier are either not
free or severely restricted in their exercise of religious services, praying
and maintaining the graves of their ancestors.

They do not have the right of staying in their monasteries and convents nor the
rights to have free religious elections, ordination of priests, building or
repairing their churches or administrating their religious property. Even in
the cases of a handful of churches operating in the occupied eastern Karpas
Peninsula where the remaining Greek Cypriots enclaved are, the illegal regime
confiscated icons and still collects all donations and offerings of the
pilgrims who, since 2003, can only visit these churches.

The clergy and particularly the bishops are not allowed to hold services, a
fact proven also by the two, three exceptions after the invention mainly of the
United States Embassy in Nicosia and UNFICYP.

Even four days ago on July 17th, after repeated intervention of UNFICYP,
permission was granted only to Greek Cypriot refugees of the occupied village
of Kythrea to hold a service in their desecrated church – but only for 50
persons and one priest whose names had to be sent in advance and approved by
the illegal regime and only under the presence and surveillance of the Turkish
military.

Bishops, as the metropolitans of Carpasia, Famagusta, Tamasos, Kykkos or the
Armenian archbishop have been repeatedly prevented by the Turkish army from
holding religious services in occupied churches although they had previously
received permission from the illegal regime through UNFICYP.

Therefore I was surprised to read the 2008 International Religious Freedom
Report of the U.S. Department of State that, quote, “However, the politically
divisive environment on Cyprus engendered some restrictions on religious
freedom, particularly for Greek Cypriots, Armenians and Maronites,” the report
added that “the Turkish Cypriot authorities generally respected religious
freedom in practice.”

This blatantly ignores the inaccessibility for religious services to both the
Greek Orthodox churches and to the other faiths that I had mentioned above,
including a Jewish cemetery and synagogue situated in the Turkish military camp
of Margo.

The religious culture of the northern part of the island is changing because of
the importation of over 160,000 mainland Turkish settlers who are
overwhelmingly more conservative than the Turkish Cypriots.

This is the reality of the situation in the Turkish-occupied area. In total
contrast, the government of the Republic of Cyprus, through the Turkish Cypriot
Properties Management Service and the Department of Antiquities repairs and
maintains mosques and Muslim places of Worship in the government-controlled
area, 17 of which, have been declared as “ancient monuments,” allowing the free
exercise of their religious services.

Though a technical committee composed of members of both communities was
established a year ago, in the framework of the current negotiations for a
Cyprus solution to work jointly on restoration and preservation issues, there
have been no tangible results to date.

On the contrary, during this period of the negotiations of this committee, the
18th-century church of St. Catherine in the occupied village of Gerani was
demolished. By accident we had this church on the front piece of our book.

Allow me to thank you again for your invitation to speak on the religious
cultural heritage of Cyprus in peril and I am at your disposal for any
questions on the issue.

MR. MCNAMARA: Thank you very much. Dr. Gallas?

KLAUS GALLAS: First, I would like to thank the members of the commission for
allowing me to testify before you on the use of Cyprus’ religious cultural
heritage in peril. There is still no complete case-by-case documentation of
the art thefts that have been growing catastrophically in both number and
seriousness ever since the start of the Turkish occupation of northern Cyprus.
But there is no question that since the day of the invasion, July 20, 1974,
such internationally organized thefts and the accompanying illegal trade in
works of art plundered from churches in the Turkish-occupied sector – some of
which form part of the UNESCO World Cultural Heritage – have multiplied to a
worrying extent.

One shocking instance that typifies this plundering and illegal trading is the
Dikmen case, the most spectacular example of international theft recorded by
the Bavarian central department of crime. It culminated in a court case in
Indianapolis in 1989 against the American art dealer Peggy Goldberg which was
successfully pursued by the Church of Cyprus and the government of Cyprus.

It concerned the 6th century mosaics in the apse of the Panagia Kanakari Church
on the Karpasia Peninsula. Parts of these are now in the Byzantine museum in
Nicosia. Probably the first major account of the barbaric desecration and
destruction of Christian heritage within the Turkish occupied area was the one
by myself that appeared in the German national newspaper, the Frankfurter
Allgemeine on March 30, 1990.

A striking example of this desecration is the Ajios Euphemianos Church about a
mile outside the old center of Lysi, to the west of Famagusta. When I first
visited the little church prior to 1974, I was overwhelmed by the glowing
colors and expressive features of the Byzantine murals dating from the 14th
century. But when I returned to Lysi in 1989, long after the start of the
Turkish occupation in northern Cyprus, I found that things in the village were
completely changed. Even the altered name of the place, the Turkish
designation “Akdogan” clearly indicated the intention of the Turkish occupying
powers: eradication of every cultural reminder of established historical
structures on the island.

The little church of Agios Euphemianos was difficult to locate it because it
was enveloped now by the Turkish barracks. How was it possible for this jewel
of Byzantine creativity to have fallen victim to international art thieves
under the very noses of the watchful Turkish soldiers?

The removal of all the precious frescoes from the walls and ceiling-domes in a
professional manner and their transportation abroad in an undamaged state is
something that would have taken the robbers days, if not weeks.

Scaffolding would have had to be erected; tools and materials would have had to
be carried to the church through or around the outside of the barracks. And
then there would have been the whole business of exporting the works of art.
This, too, would have meant having the right contacts and connections. Nothing
could have been done without the permission of the Turkish occupation forces.

In this context, there is also a mystery concerning the export license by the
so-called Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus for the 6th century Golden
Mosaics of the Panagia Church on the Karpas Peninsula, which was signed at the
time by Osman Orek. Until 1963, he was defense minister in the Makarios
government. And from 1974 onwards, the right-hand man of Rauf Denktash, the
leader of the Turkish Cypriot community.

Later on, Orek declared the documents to have been a forgery. In 1988, Peggy
Goldberg, a U.S. citizen, had acquired these mosaics and attempted to market
them illegally for US$1.2 million. What followed was the celebrated court case
in Indianapolis that ended in the autumn of 1989 with the decision by Federal
Judge Noland in favor of the Republic of Cyprus and the Church of Cyprus. This
was a uniquely important decision by the U.S. court.

This case is symptomatic of the organized crime of ripping items of cultural
heritage out of their context and, by doing so, destroying them forever. Only
in rare instances has the government of Cyprus and the Church of Cyprus
succeeded up to now in securing the return of stolen artworks to Cyprus, either
through court dispensations or by buying them back. The route taken by the
works of art is usually from the Turkish occupied part of Cyprus to either
Munich or Amsterdam, then from there to Zurich and on to the USA.

Following a house search of Aydin Dikmen’s premises and subsequent
confiscation, the police in Munich is certainly holding Byzantine mosaics,
frescoes and icons, presumed to be from the Turkish occupied part of Cyprus, to
the value of more than 30 million euros.

Meanwhile the legal proceedings against Aydin Dikmen have been dragging on for
more than 10 years without a conclusion. For mosaics and frescoes,
identification is less of a problem. They are usually quite easy to ascribe to
a particular historical monument. Icons, on the other hand, are hard to pin
down.

The Republic of Cyprus may have secured the judgment in Indianapolis but it was
less successful in its efforts to secure the return of the Lysi frescos,
notwithstanding the fact that they could not now be sold to unscrupulous
collectors.

It was Aydin Dikmen who, in 1985, also sold the Lysi frescoes to America. The
De Menil Foundation in Houston, Texas, acquired these immensely valuable 13th
century frescoes for just 850,000 U.S. dollars. The interior of the Lysi
chapel was then reconstructed true to the original within the halls of the
foundation’s museum so as to allow the frescoes to be displayed exactly as they
had appeared in situ.

The De Menil Foundation broke new ground in the details of this arrangement.
When it was offered the frescoes, it side-stepped all the importation rules,
negotiated directly with the Church of Cyprus, made an agreement for a
long-term assignment until 2012, bought the frescoes, had them restored and in
effect rescued this entire endangered piece of cultural heritage.

All the same, there are also some hidden dangers in this modus operandi. It
lends strength and encouragement to unprincipled art thieves by signaling to
them that they will always be able to make a profit, one way or the other, from
their stolen goods. Maybe what is needed here to nip thieves in the bud is an
international certificate for the buying and selling of works of art, complete
with details of provenance.

I wish to bring in another example to support the view that art theft in the
Turkish-occupied part of the Republic of Cyprus was usually only possible when
it was tolerated or happened under the watchful eye of the Turkish military.
On the south coast of the island, only a mile from Kyrenia, stands the
Acheiropiitos Monastery, a dignified complex dating from the 11th century that
was erected on the foundations of an early Christian settlement including a
basilica. The monastery used to be a treasure house of Byzantine icons dating
from a variety of centuries – but what has become of these treasures?

During a visit that I paid recently, gaining access to the monastery looked as
if it would be impossible. Just as in the autumn of 1989, the Turkish forces
were still ensconced in its handsome rooms. But after repeated attempts on my
part to be allowed in, the officers and men suddenly appeared helpful and I was
permitted to enter.

Of the once-magnificent display of icons there was nothing to be seen. Only
the richly carved pulpit from 1819, with its touches of gold leaf, and the
remains of the Ikonostase, bereft of all icons, gave a faint indication of the
former glories of this empty chamber. How could this desecration of Christian
cultural heritage have come about right in the middle of the Turkish military
camp? How could all these precious icons have been taken down and carried off
from a monastery that was actually occupied by Turkish officers and men?

The loss to Cyprus and to UNESCO's World Cultural Heritage is unimaginable. It
can be assumed that the amount of booty we are aware of is only a fraction of
the material that has actually been stolen from the Orthodox churches of
Cyprus, which begs the question: how many treasures altogether have actually
been taken between 1974 and 2009 and are now lost to us forever through having
already been sold to collectors in all corners of the world? How many fortunes
have the art thieves amassed for themselves in the meantime through these
outrageous acts? They must amount to hundreds of millions of dollars. None of
the plundered churches will ever sparkle again as they did in the light of days
gone by.

My greatest wish, which ties in with the appeal of the Helsinki Commission, is
that in the very near future, the many works of art that they have stolen, and
in part still remain missing, should be restored to Cyprus. Only through
solidarity and joint action against worldwide art theft, as well as against the
barbaric destruction and desecration of examples of UNESCO’s World Heritage,
can we keep alive our historical roots and our cultural identity.

I thank the commission for my speaking.

MR. MCNAMARA: Thank you very much, Dr. Gallas. And I would want to
acknowledge the presence of Senator Sarbanes, who has joined us this afternoon.
I thought perhaps another member of the family might be stopping by. But I do
have a number of questions that I’d like to pose. And just for your
information, the still photographs displayed are ones that I took during my
recent trip. I had an opportunity to spend two days in the northern part of
the country and, driving around, just asked the driver to pull over to a
village quite randomly – that I determined – and these were some of the many
photographs that I was able to take during that time, including this one of a
church near the Karpas region, used obviously as a storage facility. Of the 20
or so churches that I stopped into randomly in villages and so forth, none of
them were intact. Most of them were populated by pigeons, with pigeon
droppings that would be unimaginable, actually, and probably quite unhealthy.

But I did have a number of questions. Obviously the destruction has taken
place over a period of time. And you did mention the church on the cover of
your book as a recent example. But I wonder if you could cite any additional
examples just to underscore the fact that this is an activity that’s ongoing
and not one that may have taken place 35 years ago in the immediate aftermath
of the military activity, but is, again, something that’s a current issue as
well.

MR. CHOTZAKOGLOU: In the book, there’s a reference of more than 15 churches
which were pulled down recently. I say “recently” – in the last five years.
And there are the names, also, of the churches. And in most cases, we have the
possibility to have photographs before they were destroyed. And also, we have
cases that, after 2003, it was possible to enter and to see the icon museum in
Kyrenia. The Turks made an icon museum in Kyrenia to demonstrate that they
respect the monuments and the icons. But I have to say that most of the icons
there are of the 20th century.

On the first day, we saw three or four icons of the 16th century. Today, these
icons are not there. And two of these icons were located in Zurich, in
Switzerland –

MR. MCNAMARA: This recent case, yes?

MR. CHOTZAKOGLOU: This recent case. And we tried, now, with Interpol to –
they confiscated – the police authorities in Switzerland – they confiscated
these icons. And we hope to get them back.

MR. MCNAMARA: Any other – okay. There were a number of – a couple of you,
excuse me – referenced military installations and, certainly, a number of the
churches and monasteries I visited were in close proximity, certainly within
easy distance of the Turkish forces. So I wondered if you could discuss the
question of the inclusion of religious sites within military exclusion zones in
the region. Or whoever wishes to –

MS. JANSEN: I’d just like to say one thing. The point is that a great deal of
the territory of the northern part of Cyprus has been taken up with military
bases. And it’s very difficult to travel around that area without noting that
you pass a great many military bases. And some major Greek Cypriot Orthodox
churches were in these military bases. And some were looted by the soldiery
soon after the north was taken over.

And then, Aydin Dikmen, who claimed to have close connections with the Turkish
military, he was also allowed in to do some of the looting there – in the
military areas, which shows that there was collusion between Dikmen and the
military.

There was also collusion in the sense that he was allowed to take his large
crates of icons and other material – archeological material – out of the area
without hindrance. And at one point, he was actually arrested and held by the
Turkish authorities in northern Cyprus. But as a friend of mine says, his wife
turned up with a big bag of money and he was out the next day.

So this was the problem: There was collusion on one hand and then there was
exoneration on the other. So Dikmen was able to proceed with his looting of
northern Cyprus without any kind of obstruction from the authorities which were
governing the area.

MR. GALLAS: I will speak in German and we have a translator. My English is
not so good.

MR.: Dr. Gallas would like to say that it is important to him to note that
he’s not attacking, if I may use that word, the Turkish government, but that it
is important to preserve and protect the theft. He believes that nothing could
take place without the supervision and eyes of the Turkish military.

The problem with the Dikmen case is following the evidence. And he has been
researching the case for the last 10 years. As he has referred to previously,
it’s easy to identify a fresco in a certain church. The difficulty is with the
icons because the school of icon painting exported them to many different
countries. And Dikmen says it’s hard to say which came from where. And Dikmen
claims that all those icons that can definitely be identified will be returned,
but he gets all the others that are not definitely identified. And we’re
talking about artifacts that are the value of 30 million euro.

MR. CHOTZAKOGLOU: I’d like just to make a statement. I read today, in the
Washington Times, an article on our hearing today. And there is a statement
that these things which were stolen with the help of the Turkish military
troops or with the help of other authorities in northern Cyprus, have been
smuggled out of Cyprus mostly through the southern part of the island.

We have to underline that in that case, we have a lot of cases, we have a lot
of icons, which were smuggled out of the port of Kyrenia and Mrs. Jansen can
describe, also, the whole thing from eyewitnesses, but that icons which were
smuggled out of Cyprus from the southern part of the island were not smuggled
out in a – in a bigger export – because already in 1976, the high commissioner
for the refugees, the Austrian, Alfred Seglipe (ph). He was also arrested by
the police. He was there to protect the refugees and he was taking part in
illicit trade of antiquities.

So in such cases, we know from other eyewitnesses that with the help of the
Finnish United Nations peacekeeping force, a lot of icons were smuggled out of
the Larnaca port and were sent to Germany. So these cases that are known were
not, of course, smuggled out to these things legally, but illegally, without,
of course, the knowledge of the legitimate authorities of the Republic of
Cyprus. Thank you.

MR. MCNAMARA: Sure. There has been some reference to UNESCO, which obviously
has a unique mission throughout the world for protection of cultural heritage.
And I wondered if anyone could elaborate a little further. I know that there
was a mention regarding an early-on assessment or study by UNESCO. But I
wonder to the extent that this issue is actively pursued within the context of
that organization.

MS. JANSEN: UNESCO, as I said earlier, suppressed the report, which was
written by Jacques Dalibard. This report was 120 pages long and quite
detailed. He wasn’t allowed to go to all of the monuments, all of the churches
or all of the archeological sites. He was only allowed to go to a certain
number. And his report was actually kept under wraps until about two years
ago. UNESCO really did nothing about this situation at all.

And this whole business was repeated. In the aftermath of the invasion and
occupation of Iraq in 2003, UNESCO sent a mission to Baghdad. And they
reported on the same sort of activity – dealing with the Iraq museum and also
some of the sites. And I attended – I went with the mission to Baghdad. And
UNESCO has done nothing about getting things back to Iraq, which were stolen
during this period. And in fact, Iraq is being plundered as we speak. And
whole sites are being destroyed by people who are actually doing industrial
farming of archeological sites.

The main problem is that whenever there is war or civil war or some kind of
unrest or even natural disaster, the cultural heritage of countries which
suffer these situations gets destroyed and also looted and exported. The
United States has done some good things. It has signed a memorandum of
understanding with Cyprus and with Iraq. And material is being returned.

Also, one must take into account the effect of the case in Indianapolis. That
case produced a very important judgment: that the thief doesn’t have any right
to what he has stolen. And that case has a tremendous impact on museums around
the world and on countries which are seeking to repatriate their cultural
heritage.

Italy has very aggressively pursued its stolen cultural heritage. It has
received back some very important items. The Getty Museum in California has
had to give back items. And Greece is pursuing its stolen heritage.

So the case in Indianapolis has changed the picture for museums and for
collectors who are trying to look legitimate. Now it is no longer possible to
buy stolen antiquities, art, icons, whatever, and claim that we bought this in
good faith; we didn’t know it was stolen. This good faith clause is now out of
the picture.

So what the illicit dealers do now, of course, is they manufacture provenance,
which is creating some kind of false document so that they can sell the
material to museums or to auction houses or to private collectors. And of
course, this is a growing industry. But people who are really seriously
interested in pursuing stolen items can prove that these documents are not
legal and reclaim the items.

One of the cases – the important case in this particular example, which I can
think of, is the case of a Greek crater for mixing wine, which was given false
provenance by the Metropolitan Museum in New York. It belonged to Greece, and
they gave it the provenance of another piece, which had been sitting in a bank
in Beirut for many years, which was not the complete one, whereas the one that
the Metropolitan Museum had was a beautifully restored, complete, very large
wine jug. So as I say, you must never underestimate the importance of that
decision in Indianapolis on the Cypriot mosaics. Thank you.

MR. MCNAMARA: Thank you. There was a reference made to the technical group
that’s supporting the talks between President Christofias and Mr. Talat. And I
just wondered, because I know that there is some description of sort of the
mandate that they’re supposed to undertake – identification of sites and so
forth – and I wonder, has anything happened – obviously, there is a large array
of issues that the leaders and their colleagues are trying to grapple with, but
I just wondered if you could give us any information on that aspect of the
ongoing talks?

MR. CHOTZAKOGLOU: I do know the activity of this committee, because before
they began, they were founded one year ago. Turkish Cypriots and Greek
Cypriots are taking part, and they visited also the Kykkos Museum in order to
get information on the work we have done and also other institutions. And
after one year of cooperation and meetings, unfortunately, there was no result,
because every time, they had to postpone and postpone all the activities they
had. They decided to begin a pilot project to restore one church – Saint
Michael in the occupied village of Leonarisso and on the other hand, a Muslim
mosque in Limassol.

Of course, you can imagine that on the one side, you have more than 500
churches, and on the other hand, you have just some of the mosques, so it’s not
the same – one-to-one. Anyway, until now, there was no progress on that. They
said that the problem would be the financial one. And in that case, we came
and we asked the committee to do something which they don’t need money to do –
to allow the church communities of the Greeks to go and restore the cemeteries
with their own monies – just to put the crosses there, to have the possibility
to visit the graves of their ancestors and to light a candle there.

They refused it, which means that it’s not that they don’t have the money to go
on with the restoration; they are not willing to do that. And they say, when
it comes to such a decision, we have to wait for the political decision of the
matter. So we hoped a lot on this committee that we could have, after one
year, a result. But we didn’t. On the contrary, during the negotiations and
the meetings of this committee, the church that I showed you was willfully
destroyed and pulled down. It was a church – this one! This was the church
before, and now. So there’s nothing of the church and this is how it was in
2008 – just some months before this committee was grounded. And now, there is
nothing there. Thank you.

MR. MCNAMARA: Thank you. The U.S. Agency for International Development has
supported a number of restoration projects in the North, including work at the
Agios Mamas Church in Morphu, mainly operated as an icon museum. I wonder what
your assessment regarding these projects, and then I guess another thing that
strikes me is that there are this limited number – I think it was in Kyrenia as
well that I saw this very prominent steeple of a church that also serves as an
icon museum and attracts, apparently, a lot of foreign tourists.

And I wondered if there’s been some investigation – I think you alluded to it a
little bit – regarding the contents of these museums. Are they materials that
were original to the church, or is it a collection from various of the
destroyed churches, or has anybody been able to trace that aspect of it?

MR. CHOTZAKOGLOU: Because of the accusations of the destruction of the
churches and the illicit trade, they made two icon museums – the one you have
visited in Kyrenia or, I suppose you didn’t visit – excuse me.

MR. MCNAMARA: I didn’t visit, but I saw it from a distance. It was very
prominent. I was paying attention to the information office that’s located in
a little chapel right on the harbor center.

MR. CHOTZAKOGLOU: And also another one in the Holy Virgin Church in Trikomo.
It’s also in the Famagusta region. If not all the icons that are inside, they
do not belong to the church, but they were brought there. And all of them are
dated into the 20th and 19th centuries. You have to imagine that we have, in
Cyprus, icons from the 11th, 12th and 13th century which are missing, and not
one of them are there. So they’re just new icons, which were painted some
decades ago or even 100 years – so for Cyprus, 100 years ago is not a great
matter. (Chuckles.)

The second thing: We have – with the help of the United States, we had the
restoration of some monuments, as, for example, we had the Hala Sultan Tekke –
this is – a tekke is a kind of monastery for the Muslims – in Larnaca. And on
the other hand, we could restore a church in the occupied areas. This would be
Saint Andrew in the Karpas Peninsula. What happened was the tactic which we
now know happens all the time. Unfortunately, when the Turkish committee
begins with the restoration of the mosque in the South, they could proceed.
There was no problem. They had their archeologists, architects and the workers
and they went on, and if you go now to Cyprus, if you land in the Larnaca
airport, the first thing you can see is this mosque. It’s very, very beautiful
and it’s good that it was restored.

On the other hand, when we tried to go on with the restoration of Saint Andrew,
which is a very big pilgrimage for the Cypriots because most of them have been
baptized there, every time that we were trying to go on, there were problems.
We wanted to have material for the restoration. We could not bring the
material from the Republic of Cyprus, but we had to import it from Turkey.
Then we had to wait for months. These materials could not be found in Turkey;
we had to import it, for example, from Germany. No, we had to wait.

And after – during this time, the tekke in Larnaca was already restored, and
after it was restored, they said, so the time is out; you don’t have any more
possibility to restore the church. So it remains like that. So you can still
see the Saint Andrew Church, which is falling down. The other case you
mentioned – Saint Mamas in Morphu – it’s a recent case. And it was allowed to
restore the icon screen – actually the wooden parts of the church – not the
building. And this is – you have to imagine, this was a very good thing that
was made and we’re happy for that, but that’s one case in 500.

And I’d like to stress here that it’s not only the Greek Orthodox churches
which were looted or destroyed. We have Catholic churches; we have Armenian
churches; Maronite churches; we have Jewish cemeteries; we have so many, which
are not only the Greek Orthodox monuments. So we have also to pay attention
for them.

MS. JANSEN: Could I make one –

MR. MCNAMARA: Please.

MS. JANSEN: I just wanted to mention that there is a Web site which one can
consult. It was put up jointly by Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot engineers
and architects. It’s called cyprustemples.com and it has on it 505 churches
and 111 mosques and Muslim sites. It gives the state of each one and what is
recommended to repair it or replace it or whatever. And it is a very valuable
site. It shows a lot.

These people spent quite a lot of time; they have plenty of photographs. And
buildings which have been completely destroyed or are in very bad states, there
are, of course, no photographs of them. But it is, as I say, a very valuable
source on what exactly has gone on. It needs to be updated, but otherwise, it
is a very good effort.

MR. MCNAMARA: Thank you very much. I have one additional question and then a
number of questions very quickly pertaining to – one of you referred to the
2008 international religious freedom report. The question I had is, besides
the storage facility in this particular church near the Karpas region, I did
pass by another church that was part – clearly, a monastery that was part of a
sort of hilltop resort in the Kyrenia area.

And I wondered if there’s been any attempt to identify the commercial backers
of those religious sites that have been converted into commercial purposes,
particularly like hotels and things of this nature? Are they investors from
the North, from Turkey, from the U.S., from other EU countries? Or has that
been looked into at all?

MS. JANSEN: Not that I know of.

MR. CHOTZAKOGLOU: The case you mentioned is a hotel now. It was a convent and
it was converted into a hotel. You can go there. I have met the owner. He is
from Turkey. And what has happened is that, against the constitution of
Cyprus, they confiscated all the religious property, which, according to the
constitution of Cyprus, the religious property of every religious community is
indisputable. And they gave it to the Muslim administration commission, named
FCAF (sp). And these are the persons who are selling or renting churches.

It was very interesting – I don’t have the photograph there, but it’s an
English-speaking newspaper from – (inaudible) – Smith Real Estate agents where
you can see here, there is a church for sale. “Lease for church, fully
restored and used as a picture gallery/craft center. Lovely position below
Adramit village. £32,500.” So we have a lot of such cases. We have, also,
American citizens. We have mainly English. We have also Germans – persons who
bought or rented such churches in order to use them for restaurants, for pubs,
for nightclubs and so on. Or they rented to Turks to use them as I told you.
Even a gym – you can go to a gym and you have the apse and the church inside
and it’s unbelievable for us.

The most impressive case was a church which was converted into a mortuary. So
I went inside and I found the coffins of the dead. And you can – they put them
on the altar, they wash them and then they bury them in the cemetery that’s
near to the church. So we have a lot of such cases, recently also. It happens
every day. So the last time I was in Famagusta, there was a photograph – you
can see there – it was the medieval Gothic church of the 13th century in
Famagusta of the Templars, and now it’s a nightclub. You can have your drink
there, and it’s unbelievable for us, for such a desecration of a holy place,
whatever the beliefs of your own are. Thank you.

MR. MCNAMARA: Sure. Just to wrap up this portion of the briefing, the
international religious freedom report of 2008 says that Orthodox and Maronites
are, quote, “allowed to conduct mass on a regular basis without prior
permission at seven sites in the occupied area.”

Does this conform with your observations regarding the situation with
believers, because I had an opportunity to meet with the bishop of the Karpas
region, for example, and it seemed like he has many restraints placed upon him
in terms of his ability to go to his region of the country, and then certainly
in terms of the question of conducting religious services.

And that, I guess, I must say I found tremendously ironic, having visited the
region and gone by many villages and stopped in about 20 or so. But then the
report goes on to say prior permission was required to conduct mass at the
other estimated 500 religious sites in the area administered by Turkish
Cypriots. I mean, these are the images of some of those 500 sites.

So to someone who may not have followed the developments as closely, in my
first reading, I would say, oh wow, there must be 500 churches, chapels and
monasteries that can still be used for the conducting of religious services of
various nature. So I just –a gain, I scratched my head after I read that
portion of the report because it seemed, certainly, highly misleading.

MS. JANSEN: I would just like to say one thing on this. I checked exactly
this question out before I left Cyprus. There are three churches which are
designated as possible sites for services. And services are not held
regularly. The church has to apply for permission to hold a service and it may
or may not be granted. It is rarely granted. It is sometimes granted on
saints’ days. And last week, one service was held at Ayia Marina and only 50
people were allowed to attend.

And at some of these services, even though permission was given, the police
which operate in the northern part of Cyprus came and told the congregations to
disband and to leave. Now, this particular situation must be compared to what
is going on in the government-controlled areas, where there is complete freedom
of religion for everyone. And I consulted someone who is connected with the
mosque in Nicosia and I said, what is the situation there?

He said there are three congregations in Cyprus in established mosques, which
have been restored and repaired, and there is a fourth congregation in Paphos.
The three established mosques are in Nicosia, Larnaca and Limassol. There is a
fourth congregation in a hall in Paphos. They haven’t yet managed to work out
some sort of arrangement for being placed in the mosque there. Anyway, they
meet every week. They have congregations of, sometimes, two or three thousand
on Muslim feast days in all three of these areas – in Limassol, Nicosia and
Larnaca.

And most of the people who are in the congregations are people who came to
Cyprus in the past decade, two decades. They are of Arab origin or Bangladeshi
origin or Pakistani origin. Apparently, Turkish Cypriots don’t attend the
mosques. So the mosques are maintained. The government of Cyprus provides a
salary for the imam and the congregations take up collections to pay the water
bill, the electricity bill and for small repairs. And that is the situation on
the two sides; it’s quite different. Thank you.

MR. CHOTZAKOGLOU: I’d just like to add something, that according to the
constitution in Cyprus, all religious institutions – they do not have to pay
taxes. And that’s what happens also with the Muslim institutions in the
Republic of Cyprus or with the Jewish ones or with others. And I was very
surprised, actually, to read the international religious freedom report of the
United States Department of State because they write here that “there are some
restrictions religious freedom” – some restrictions, which means that the rule
is that you can go there without any problem, you can have your religious
service and leave.

But that’s not the case; that’s not the rule; that’s not how it happens. It’s
the opposite. Every time that a priest of a bishop wants to have a religious
service, we have to fight, actually, for months with the United States Embassy,
with the British embassy, with the country who is maybe the president of the
European Union, with friends or personal contacts of every person in order to
get the permission to go there and to have, under the surveillance of the
police with our names written and given before, to have a religious service.

So under this situation, I don’t think that what is written here represents
today’s situation of the region, especially when they write that the Turkish
Cypriot authorities generally respected the religious freedom in practice. I
think that everyone can go there and see it also for himself, what we’re
seeing. We have a lot of cases where, as Ms. Jansen said, we were granted such
permission from the Turkish Cypriot authorities, and when the bishops,
recently, some months ago, during the Holy Communion service with the Holy
Communion in his hands, the police came in – the police which is controlled by
the Turkish military – came in and they throw them away.

He presented the papers he had. He had to go to Famagusta where the military
officer was there. He said, I do not accept these papers. If you want, you
can go to the United Nations to have your religious service or in the southern
part, but not here. So they had to leave. That’s what happens all day. It’s
very, very difficult to have – there are only some cases on the Karpas
Peninsula where some Greeks there – and only from a local priest – that they
can have a religious service there. And also the case for some Maronite
churches on the western part of the occupied areas. These are the only
examples.

No Armenian, no Maronite, no Jews – no one can go on with their religious
service and have religious freedom in practice. And religious freedom is not
only to have a religious service in the church. It is to have the ordination
of the priests. It is to have the possibility to administer the religious
property. There is a lot of things. If you don’t have a single cemetery which
still can be seen – you can go there to see the situation of the cemeteries –
there is not a single cemetery which still stands there; how is there religious
freedom? That was my surprise when I read the report of the commission.

MR. MCNAMARA: Thank you very much. Just because you were mentioning
cemeteries, one of the ironies I found was, this is a little shed in the corner
of one of the little churches in a village in the North. And then I actually
did, of course, visit this cemetery here. And actually on the other side of
the wall, I found ironic that there was a Muslim burial place that was
meticulously maintained. I’m not sure when it dated from and so forth, but I
just felt like there was sort of a bit of irony there, given the nature of
these cemeteries and the other ones that I went to during my time there.

Our time is up for this portion of the briefing. We’ll take probably about a
five-minute break and then, for those who have time and are interested, we’ll
have the showing of this short film – 18 minutes long – by Dr. Gallas. Let me
just make sure I get the correct title: “Where Heaven Falls Prey – P-R-E-Y –
to Thieves.” For those who are not able to stay for the presentation, it is
available – I hope this isn’t a bootleg or something like that, but my
erstwhile intern that was working with me did find it in two parts on YouTube,
so you can view it via that means.

We will have a complete transcription of today’s briefing available on the
commission’s Web site tomorrow – within 24 hours we try to get it. There are a
lot of foreign names and so forth, so we’ll have to help the transcriber here.
But we do very much appreciate your presence here this afternoon on an issue
that, again – when we look at a situation, we go back and try to see if there’s
a relevant commitment that the OSCE-participating states have undertaken.

And when we looked at the situation in terms of religious cultural heritage in
this part of Cyprus, it just struck me as so tailor-made, if you will, where it
talks about the importance of preservation and protection of sites even if the
original community does not use them, or is even located – I did get a chance
to go to the Karpas region to the very tip of northeastern Cyprus and to be
able to sit down and to talk to some elderly Greek Cypriots – I think 228 in
the particular village.

And unfortunately, the main service that they seem to be conducting in the sole
church there is funerals. But that’s part of the reality as well. Thank you
again for coming and we appreciate your attention. The restrooms are just
outside of the room and to the right. And again, we’ll resume at about 25 past.

(END)

Tuesday, July 21, 2009

The 'Cyprus Problem,' 35 Years In

(National Journal) - Q&A: ANDREAS KAKOURIS

The 'Cyprus Problem,' 35 Years In

On The Anniversary Of The 1974 Turkish Invasion, Cyprus' U.S. Ambassador Makes The Case For Reunification


When Turkish military forces invaded the island of Cyprus on July 20, 1974, Ankara argued that it was defending the status quo and heading off the forced annexation of the island by a military junta in Greece. Yet today, on the 35th anniversary of the invasion, Cyprus remains the only forcibly divided country in Europe, and one of the continent's most intractable problems. Recently, National Journal correspondent James Kitfield spoke with Andreas Kakouris, Cyprus' ambassador to the United States. Edited excerpts from their interview follow. Visit the archives page for more Insider Interviews.

NJ: After decades of United Nations resolutions and mediation on Cyprus, why is the island still divided?

Kakouris: We've been unable to move forward on a solution to the Cyprus problem because, quite frankly, Turkey hasn't accepted the solution of a bizonal, bicommunal federation that is the framework of countless United Nations resolutions. [Cypriot] President Demetris Christofias and Turkish Cypriot leader Mehmet Ali Talat recently reiterated their support for that framework, with a single citizenship and political equality for everyone. Successive Turkish governments, however, have pushed instead for a solution based on a weak confederation of two distinct states.


NJ: What exactly is meant by a "bizonal" and "bicommunal" republic?

Kakouris: Within Cyprus you would have two areas, one of Greek Cypriot constituents, and the other of Turkish Cypriot constituents, but both parts of a federal republic. So there would be only one state and a single citizenship. By contrast, today 43,000 Turkish troops occupy 37 percent of the sovereign territory of a member of the European Union. In that occupied area there are 85,000 Turkish Cypriots and 160,000 Turkish settlers who have come since the invasion. There are 200,000 Cypriot refugees who remain displaced by the invasion. There are also problems of economic displacement, human rights violations, and the destruction of cultural artifacts.


NJ: Many observers put high hopes in the peace settlement proposed by United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan in 2004. Why did the Greek Cypriot community overwhelmingly reject the Annan plan in a referendum?

Kakouris: In my estimation, the Annan plan had more to do with offloading the problem from the shoulders of Turkey than it did with solving the problem in a way that reunited the people and institutions of Cyprus. When you look closely at the elements of that plan, for instance, it included the continued presence of Turkish troops on Cyprus with a right to intervene in our affairs. Would anyone in the United States accept the idea of foreign troops on your soil, with the right of intervention? Cyprus is a member of the European Union. We don't need guarantor powers or the presence of foreign troops on our soil, with the exception perhaps of a continued United Nations force that might be included in a solution.


NJ: So the continued presence of foreign troops was the main sticking point in the Annan plan?

Kakouris: The plan also lacked functionality. In essence, it would have established parallel civil services. Nor were the rights of Greek Cypriot refugees to return to their homes guaranteed. They would have become second-class citizens in their own country under the Annan plan. The 160,000 settlers that Ankara has brought to Cyprus would also have remained on the island, by and large. The Annan plan would also have superseded as law Cyprus' rights as a member of the European Union. As an equal member in good standing of the European Union, that was something that we could not accept.


NJ: If the Annan plan was so flawed, how did it get all the way to a referendum?

Kakouris: When Annan invited the leaders of the Greek and Turkish Cypriots to... discuss his plan, many issues were glossed over. The tight timelines for arbitration meant that both sides never really engaged in serious negotiations, producing a disastrous plan that would essentially have endorsed two separate states on the island. So the Annan plan was someone else's interpretation of what was in our best interest as Cypriots. By contrast, the current negotiations between President Christofias and Talat are exploring solutions for Cypriots by Cypriots. That's far preferable to solutions designed to serve the best interest of other parties, including Turkey.


NJ: Yet don't you need Turkey to embrace any ultimate deal?

Kakouris: To be frank, yes, we do need Ankara to be more constructive and supportive. It's not enough for Ankara to say they support a solution to the "Cyprus problem." We need them to embrace the framework of a bizonal, bicommunal federation. After all, it should be remembered that Turkey is the aggressor and occupier here. Turkey is the only country that recognizes the so-called Turkish Republic of Cyprus, which was created by an act of secession that has been condemned by multiple U.N. resolutions. I recognize Turkey as a state, yet Turkey does not recognize the Republic of Cyprus.

Having said that, in a way it doesn't matter how good relations are between the Greek and Turkish Cypriot leaders -- and those personal relations are quite good. The key to the solution remains in Ankara. We just hope Turkey will give Mr. Talat the room to negotiate in earnest without imposing its will from the outside.

NJ: Doesn't the fact that you are a member of the European Union since 2004, and thus hold a veto over Turkey's entry, give you significant leverage with Ankara?

Kakouris: You say Cyprus has a veto over Turkey's accession into the EU, but 26 other countries also have that veto. You might even assume that Cyprus opposes Turkey's membership in the EU, but in 2004 and 2005, when we could have exercised such a veto over Turkey's accession talks, we did not. We believe Turkey's European orientation is a positive for both Turkey and Cyprus. And we continue to hope that the EU can be a positive catalyst for a resolution to this problem.


NJ: So you firmly support Turkey's membership in the EU?

Kakouris: Cyprus supports Turkey's accession, but that is not a blank check. Turkey has obligations. In the past, Turkey has blocked Cyprus from joining international agreements. It continues to occupy the land of an EU member and refuses to recognize that state. Certainly under those circumstances, Turkey will not be able to join the EU.


NJ: What role would you like the United States to play in solving the "Cyprus problem?"

Kakouris: Well, if the United States wants to see Turkey anchored to the West through the European Union, Washington needs to realize that path runs through Cyprus. A solution to the Cyprus problem that reunifies the island and the social fabric of its people is also a "win-win" for Turkey. It finally gets rid of this Gordian knot in EU-Turkey relations.

I would also stress that Cyprus serves as Europe's lighthouse in the Eastern Mediterranean. We are a half-hour flight from Beirut, Damascus or Tel Aviv. When there was a crisis in 2006 because of the war in Lebanon, 60,000 foreign nationals evacuated to Cyprus, including 15,000 Americans. So there is a value added for both the European Union and the United States to Cyprus' position in that part of the world.


NJ: Yet hasn't Washington been reluctant to press the Cyprus issue in a way that complicates the United States' already difficult strategic relationship with Turkey?

Kakouris: No one has convinced me that Turkey's continued occupation of Cyprus either benefits Turkey or serves U.S. interests. Quite the opposite is true. At bottom, this issue is about principles and values that the United States holds sacrosanct: democracy, the rule of law, human rights. The Obama administration has already talked of the importance of finding a solution to this problem based on a bizonal and bicommunal federation, and I hope the United States will try and convince Turkey that is the right thing to do. There are many ways for the Obama administration to convey that message, and it doesn't have to be in public or through the press.

NJ: How are relations today between the Greek and Turkish Cypriots?

Kakouris: Since 2003, the restrictions on crossing the ceasefire line were partially lifted, meaning Greek and Turkish Cypriots could cross the line for the first time going back to 1974. Since then we have had 15 million incident-free crossings. That debunks the myth spread by some in Turkey that the 43,000 Turkish troops on Cyprus are needed because the two communities cannot live peacefully together.

NJ: Do you worry that the lack of tension puts the issue of Cyprus on the back burner in international forums?

Kakouris: Yes, because this problem is urgent. The passage of time doesn't improve the prospects for a solution. The older generation that lived together on a united island as part of intermingled communities, for instance, is getting older. The settlers that Turkey has brought to Cyprus put down deeper roots. In that respect, each day that passes solidifies the effects of the invasion and separation. So we want a solution to this problem yesterday, not today or tomorrow. And for those who see the relative peace of Cyprus and are tempted to accept the status quo, we say that peace is not the absence of war, but rather the presence of justice. And justice cannot exist in the midst of occupation.


NJ: Has the Cyprus problem defied solution, in part, because the Greek Cypriots are overwhelmingly Orthodox Christian and Turkish Cypriots are overwhelmingly Muslim?

Kakouris: Well, the Cyprus problem has never been fundamentally a religious issue. But if we find a solution that involves Cyprus' Christian Orthodox community and its Muslim community negotiating their common future together on a single homeland within Europe, it will certainly provide a poignant counterpoint to talk of a "clash of civilizations."

Monday, July 20, 2009

Air raid sirens sound across Cyprus


(Famagusta Gazette) - Air raid sirens sounded across Cyprus at 5.30 this morning to mark the 35th anniversary of the Turkish invasion.

Today in 1974, a Turkish armada of 33 ships, including troop transporters and at least 30 tanks and small landing craft, landed on the northern coast.

Confusion reined across the island 35-years ago, as more than 4,500 Britons and other foreign nationals were moved to the safety of army bases and others have been airlifted to safety in specially-chartered planes.

The invasion forced 160,000 Greek Cypriots homeless, and Turkish forces advanced to take control of nearly 40% of the island.

A number of observances will be taking place today to mark the anniversary, including a service officiated by the Archbishop and in the presence of the President.

Saturday, May 30, 2009

US firm gets the nod to start oil and gas exploration off the coast of southern Cyprus



The Republic of Cyprus has authorized "Noble Energy", a United States firm, to start searching for oil and gas deposits off the Cypriot coast. Director of the Energy Department of the Ministry of Commerce, Industry and Tourism Solon Kassinis said the government granted a license to the Houston, Texas-based company last year to explore one of 11 blocks inside the island's exclusive economic zone. The block is close to a large undersea gas deposit that Noble located off Israel, which according to the company's Web site is estimated at 5 trillion cubic feet. Mr. Kassinis said the discovery raises optimism about gas potential inside Cyprus' zone that covers 51,000 square kilometers of seabed.

Tuesday, May 12, 2009

Obama's Man for Europe Views on Cyprus, Patriarchate, Armenia

(Greek News) - Exclusive: Philip Gordon’s reply to 28 questions by Senator Robert Menendez.

Washington.- By Apostolos Zoupaniotis

Assistant Secretary of State Designate Philip Gordon’s confirmation is expected to move into the Senate floor for a vote very soon, a very well informed Congress source told the Greek News. Gordon’s confirmation although passed through the Senate’s Foreign Relations Committee in early April, it was held up by Senator John Ensign, a Republican from Nevada who has co-sponsored a congressional resolution on the Armenian Genocide in the past.

Ensign represents the State of Nevada in the U.S. Senate along with Majority Leader Harry Reed, who is expected to have a tough reelection in 2010. Although political pundits and some Armenian Americans were predicting Ensign’s position to force Reed to withhold Gordon’s nomination for some more time, it seems now that the junior senator from Nevada will step back, for unknown reasons, opening the way for a full Senate vote, as soon as the end of the week. According to political sources, Ensign’s hold happened just before Obama’s Armenian Day proclamation and was just a warning to the Obama Administration and the President himself to put pressure on Ankara during its negotiations with Armenia to settle their disputes.

The fact that the Armenian government agreed to the process didn’t leave much alternatives to anyone in the Senate”, the same sources told the Greek News.

Gordon’s position on Cyprus and the Armenian Genocide during his confirmation hearing, on March 26, 2009, left many unanswered questions about his objectivity.

Although he is the translator of the English edition of French President’s Nicola Sarkozy book “Testimony”, he criticized France for criminalizing the denial of the Armenian Genocide. “Genocide Denial” is a crime in many countries, including the United States in the case of the Jewish Holocaust.

Gordon, a former director of the Brookings Institution was author of many pro Turkish books and article. He was very critical of the Greek Cypriot rejection of the Annan Plan and suggest the reward of Turkey and the Turkish Cypriots.

According to figures released by Brookings Institution and provided to the Senate by Philip Gordon, since 2006 Brookings has received $200,000 from the Turkish Industrialists’ and Businessmen’s Association, $200,000 from Sabanci University, $150,000 from the Eksiogullari Group (a construction company in Turkey), and $100,000 from the Dogan Yayin Holding Company, a media-entertainment conglomerate.

Brookings, in a note attached to the spreadsheet listing the donations, said that the "primary funding for the work of Philip H. Gordon in 2006-2007 was provided by the Smith Richardson Foundation. From 2007-2009 primary funding was provided to Mr. Gordon by the Norwegian Foreign Ministry, the Carnegie Foundation, the Rockefeller Brothers Fund, and the Brookings Endowment."

The question about Gordon’s funding was asked by Senator Robert Menendez (D, NJ) along with 27 other questions, seeking clarification on his positions regarding Cyprus, the Ecumenical Patriarchate, Turkey’s compliance with the Copenhagen Criteria, the Armenian Genocide and the Turkish-Armenia dispute and Ukraine.

According to sources close to the Greek Lobby in Washington, although during his confirmation hearing he denied to say if he agreed with Obama’s statement about “the Turkish occupation of north Cyprus”, Gordon’s written answers (to Menendez questions) regarding Cyprus and the Ecumenical Patriarchate were satisfactory, reflecting the change of tone in Washington in these issues. But, some of his answers about Armenia left a bitter taste in many Armenian-Americans.

“Greek News” is publishing exclusively all his answers to the questions regarding Cyprus and the Patriarchate and some of his replies to the questions regarding Armenia.

ON CYPRUS

Question: In the case that negotiations between the parties in Cyprus break down in the next four years, what are your views on how one achieves a settlement on Cyprus? Specifically, what role would the United States play in Cyprus negotiations and what would you advocate as a U.S. policy towards Cyprus?

Answer: If confirmed, I will vigorously support the direct negotiations between the parties that began in September 2008 under the United Nations Good Offices Mission, and do everything possible to prevent the breakdown of those talks. The only way to achieve a just and lasting settlement is for the Cypriot parties themselves to negotiate their own solution, with strong support from the international community whenever the parties seek such support. If confirmed, I will continue to support the reunification of Cyprus under a bi-zonal, bi-communal federation, which has been the longstanding policy of the United States, supported by United Nations Security Council Resolutions.

Question: Would you promote the equivalent of the Annan Plan in the current context if negotiations were not moving forward?

Answer: If confirmed, I will continue to support a resolution of the Cyprus Problem through the reunification of the island into a bi-zonal, bi-communal federation. While it is important to build on those areas of convergence reached during four decades of negotiations under UN auspices, the Annan Plan was rejected by Greek Cypriots in a referendum; I respect that democratic decision. The current leaders, Demetris Christofias and Mehmet Ali Talat are to be commended for taking the initiative in starting negotiations on September 3, 2008 under the auspices of the United Nations Good Offices Mission, and for conducting those negotiations in good-faith. If confirmed, I will support this Cypriot-led process and assist as needed, in consultation with the parties.

ECUMENICAL PATRIARCHATE

Question: If confirmed, would you urge that the Government of Turkey respect the rights and religious freedoms of the Ecumenical Patriarchate of the Orthodox Christian Church?

Answer: Yes, if confirmed, I will continue to urge Turkish officials to recognize the ecumenical status of the Ecumenical Patriarchate, to continue allowing the Holy Synod to select its members regardless of whether they are Turkish citizens, restore confiscated religious property and prevent spurious legal challenges to Patriarchate property, and to reopen the Halki Seminary. The United States considers Ecumenical Patriarch Batholomew a religious leader of global standing, a position with which I agree. Like the administration, I share deep respect for His All Holiness, and concern for the continued existence of the Patriarchate, which for centuries has been a part of the rich tradition of religious diversity exemplified in Istanbul.

Question: If confirmed, would you advocate that the European Union focus on the elimination of all forms of discrimination in Turkey, particularly with regard to the Ecumenical Patriarchate, while continuing accession negotiations?

Answer: Yes. It is the policy of this Administration to promote religious freedom and human rights worldwide, including in Turkey. If confirmed I would strongly support this policy with our friends and Allies in the European Union. Turkey has taken many steps toward improving its overall record on human rights and religious freedom, and has committed to implement further reforms, as desired by Turkish voters and in line with the European Union accession requirements. The United States fully supports Turkey’s accession to the European Union. If confirmed, I will continue to encourage progress on these reforms and will keep the issue of expanding religious freedom in Turkey high on our bilateral agenda, which, in turn, will advance Turkey’s efforts to meet the criteria for EU candidacy.

Question: If confirmed, would you advocate that the Government of Turkey remove an obstacle in its relations with the United States Government by taking positive steps to provide full religious freedom for the Ecumenical Patriarchate?

Answer: If confirmed, I will continue to urge Turkish officials to respect the ecumenical and legal status of the Ecumenical Patriarchate in Turkey, continue allowing the Holy Synod to select members who are not Turkish citizens, and to restore confiscated religious property and prevent spurious legal challenges to Patriarchate property. If confirmed, I will call on the Government of Turkey to reopen the Halki Seminary.

The United States Mission in Turkey regularly promotes religious freedom for all faiths and advocates for legal reforms to lift restrictions on religious minorities as part of our efforts to advance human rights. If confirmed, I will continue to support our Mission’s engagement with the Government of Turkey on religious freedom issues, advocate for continued outreach and engagement with Turkish religious leaders, and further our policy of active engagement and consultation with religious minority groups, including those in the Greek Orthodox, Armenian Apostolic, Syriac Orthodox, Protestant, and Jewish communities.

Question: If confirmed, would you advocate that the Government of Turkey recognize the right to the title of `Ecumenical Patriarch,' grant the Ecumenical Patriarch appropriate international recognition and ecclesiastic succession, grant the Ecumenical Patriarch the right to train clergy of all nationalities, not just Turkish nationals; and respect property rights and human rights of the Ecumenical Patriarchate?

Answer: If confirmed, I will continue to urge Turkish officials to recognize the ecumenicity of the Ecumenical Patriarchate, reflecting our view of the Ecumenical Patriarch as a religious leader of global significance. If confirmed, I will also urge Turkish officials to reopen the school at Halki to ensure ecclesiastic succession. Just as we encourage the Turkish Government to continue allowing the Ecumenical Patriarchate’s Holy Synod to select members who are not Turkish citizens, so do we hope the Patriarchate will have the right to train clergy of any nationality. On Patriarchate property, the recent amendments to the Foundations Law should help advance intensive U.S. efforts to elicit the return of the Buyukada Orphanage and other properties to the Ecumenical Patriarchate. Though the new Foundations Law is a step in the right direction, it does not include a provision for compensating original owners of property seized by the Government of Turkey and then sold to third parties. The law also did not rescind the authority of the government to expropriate property. The 2008 Annual Report on International Religious Freedom underscores the status of the Ecumenical Patriarchate and the legal challenges for property ownership and, if confirmed, I will continue to strongly urge the Turkish Government to restore confiscated religious property and prevent spurious legal challenges to Patriarchate property.

TURKEY – EU

Question: Is it your view that the Government of Turkey should move expeditiously to meet the criteria set forth by the European Council in Copenhagen?

Answer: Any country seeking membership in the European Union must conform to the conditions established by the European Council in Copenhagen. Turkey has taken many steps towards improving its overall human rights and religious freedom record, and has made a commitment to implement further reforms desired by the people of Turkey and in line with the European Union accession process. The United States supports Turkey’s accession to the European Union. As it fulfills the EU’s accession criteria, Turkey will become an even stronger and more valuable partner of the United States and the entire Euro-Atlantic community. If confirmed, I will continue to encourage progress on these reforms and will keep the issue of expanding religious freedom in Turkey high on our bilateral agenda.

ON ARMENIA

Question: Does your record also include speaking out to have Turkey come to terms with its legacy of genocide and its denial of genocide? Have you spoken out to ensure that Turkey open the border with Armenia, which it has illegally kept closed for the last 15 years and is required under treaty obligations? If so, please provide documentation of such writings.

Answer: I have repeatedly encouraged Turkey to come to terms with its past and allow for an open and honest internal dialogue by expanding freedom of expression, especially on this particular issue. I have also advocated that the United States and Europe actively encourage Turkey to normalize its relations with Armenia, re-open the border, and allow open dialogue about the mass killings and forced exile of 1915. Turkey and Armenia have sought U.S. support for their reconciliation efforts, and following the lead of the President, if confirmed, I will give mine fully. Resurrecting Turkey-Armenia relations and reconciling with both peoples’ shared past is critical to fostering peace and stability in the Caucasus region and beyond.

In my monograph Winning Turkey, I wrote that:

The West should “press Turkey to repair its relations with the Republic of Armenia and to allow open debate within Turkey.”

“Although such a sensitive matter must obviously be handled by the Turks and Armenians themselves, their American and European friends should actively encourage a solution, which should begin with Turkey’s allowing more open research and debate about the subject. Turkey’s contention that ‘history should be left to the historians’ is fine as far as it goes, but it would be more convincing if Turkey actually did that, rather than prosecute historians and others who reach the conclusion that genocide took place. This is another reason why Article 301 should be repealed.”

“…the Erdogan government needs to be more vocal in its support for freedom of speech on the Armenian question. […] It is also time for the Turkish government to take more constructive and creative steps toward political and psychological reconciliation with Armenia. […] Ankara and the Turkish public need to understand better the trauma of 1915 for the Armenian people and the Armenian diaspora.”

In that study and in public interventions in Turkey, I have suggested that Turkey offer “an olive branch to Armenia in the form of a presidential letter of sympathy to commemorate the tragedy” which would “bring a human dimension to relations between Ankara and Yerevan.”

I also called in Winning Turkey for an acceleration of diplomatic efforts “to resolve the bilateral conflict between Turkey and the Republic of Armenia, which has for too long blocked peaceful developments in the Caucasus and complicates Turkey’s accession to the EU.”

I wrote that “The United States should encourage Turkey to pledge now that if Armenia shows a real commitment to a solution to the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, Turkey would reestablish diplomatic relations with Armenia, end its blockade, and open the land border between the two countries. Such steps not only would be in the interest of both countries but also could create the climate for a long-term solution in Nagorno-Karabakh as well as much better relations and open trade between Turkey, Armenia, and Azerbaijan.”

Question: Given some of your public statements, how can you assure me that you will be sensitive to preventing future genocides and combating denial of the Armenian Genocide by Turkey?

Answer: I have strongly encouraged Turkey to come to terms with its history and believe that an honest dialogue within Turkey on historical events would help facilitate Turkish democracy and reconciliation both within Turkey’s borders and in the region. Such a dialogue would help promote prosperity, peace, and stability in the region and would contribute to a full understanding of these terrible events. If confirmed, I will continue to strongly support this effort, and in particular will emphasize its importance to bilateral relations.

The Obama Administration is fully committed to preventing genocides. If confirmed, I will work diligently with my interagency colleagues, this committee, our European allies, and our partners to prevent genocide anywhere in the world.

Questions for the Record Submitted to Assistant Secretary - Designate Philip Gordon by
Senator Robert Menendez (#4C)
Senate Foreign Relations Committee
March 26, 2009

Question: A 1951 U.S. Government filing with the United Nations stated that “The Genocide Convention resulted from the inhuman and barbarous practices which prevailed in certain countries prior to and during World War II, when entire religious, racial and national minority groups were threatened with and subjected to deliberate extermination. The practice of genocide has occurred throughout human history. The Roman persecution of the Christians, the Turkish massacres of Armenians, the extermination of millions of Jews and Poles by the Nazis are outstanding examples of the crime of genocide.” Do you agree with this U.S. Government filing?

Answer: The United States has long acknowledged the horrific tragedy that 1.5 million Armenians suffered mass killings and forced exile by the Ottoman Empire. I, too, recognize and mourn the loss of so many innocent lives. This tragedy should be the focus of an open and honest dialogue among civic leaders, scholars, and the societies at large. If confirmed, I would strongly support Turkey and Armenia’s reconciliation efforts, including confronting their shared history. I believe the United States must do all it can to prevent such tragedies from ever happening again.

Question: In October 2006, you published “Why France Shouldn't Legislate Turkey's Past,” in regard to the French push to pass a law that punishes the denial of the Armenian Genocide. You wrote that this vote in Parliament “is a dangerous step down a slippery slope,” adding that “the new French legislation is just the latest illiberal policy in Europe masquerading as liberalism.” How do you seek to reconcile your criticism of France with the blind eye you turn towards Turkey?

Answer: I have stated with regard to the proposed French legislation in question that it is dangerous to criminalize the free expression of views. I also strongly believe in, and have publicly called for, a more open debate about the past in Turkey. I have encouraged Turkey to repeal article 301 of its penal code, which can be used to constrain free expression, and I have supported an open dialogue between Turkey and Armenia. If confirmed, I would continue, along with the Administration, to strongly encourage Turkey to come to terms with the dark periods in its history.

Question: Do you agree with the characterization by President Bush on April 24, 2004, when he stated “On this day, we pause in remembrance of one of the most horrible tragedies of the 20th century, the annihilation of as many as 1.5 million Armenians through forced exile and murder at the end of the Ottoman Empire.”?

Answer: Yes. I acknowledge and mourn as historical fact what President Bush described as one of the greatest tragedies of the 20th century, the mass killings and forced exile of 1.5 million Armenians by the Ottoman Empire.

Question: Do you agree that the use of the words “ethnic cleansing” would include the deliberate inflicting on a group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part?

Answer: I do not believe that there is a universally accepted definition of “ethnic cleansing” under international law. In the Bosnia v. Serbia case, the International Court of Justice described the phrase “ethnic cleansing” as being in practice used “by reference to a specific region or area, to mean rendering an area ethnically homogenous by using force or intimidation to remove persons of given groups from the area.”

Question: Do you acknowledge and agree with the following facts of the events that occurred between 1915-1923 as reported by American officials at the time?

1. Where U.S. Ambassador Morgenthau wrote on July 16, 1915, “it appears that a campaign of race extermination is in progress under a pretext of reprisal against rebellion.”

2. Where U.S. Consul in Aleppo, Jesse Jackson, reported to Ambassador Morgenthau on June 5, 1915, "It is without doubt a carefully planned scheme to thoroughly extinguish the Armenian race."

3. Where U.S. Consul in Harput, Leslie Davis reported to Ambassador Morgenthau on July 24, 1915, “It has been no secret that the plan was to destroy the Armenian race as a race, but the methods used have been more cold-blooded and barbarous, if not more effective, than I had at first supposed."

4. Where U.S. Ambassador to the Ottoman Empire from 1916-1917, Abram I. Elkus, telegrammed the Secretary of State on October 17, 1916, "In order to avoid opprobrium of the civilized world, which the continuation of massacres would arouse, Turkish officials have now adopted and are executing the unchecked policy of extermination through starvation, exhaustion, and brutality of treatment hardly surpassed even in Turkish history."

Answer: I acknowledge the fact of the mass killings and forced exile of 1.5 million Armenians by the Ottoman Empire. I do not dispute that Ambassador Morgenthau, Ambassador Elkus, and other diplomats during that time period reported on what they described as an attempt to destroy the Armenian population.

Question: Would you agree that Article 2 of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, of which the United States has both signed and ratified, where it states:
In the present Convention, genocide means any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such:

(a) Killing members of the group;

(b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group;

(c) Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part;

(d) Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group;

(e) Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.

Answer: Yes, that is what Article II says

Question: Do the events that occurred during the period of 1915-1923 meet the definition under Article 2 of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide?

Answer: I acknowledge and mourn the mass killings and forced exile of 1.5 million Armenians by the Ottoman Empire. I feel very strongly about the great suffering experienced by the Armenian people both at that time and today as they remember this dark chapter in their history, mourn the loss of so many innocent lives, and rightfully expect their pain and loss to be acknowledged and the victims to be honored. It is the prerogative of the President to determine the policy on how the Administration characterizes these tragic events. If confirmed, my focus will be on promoting Turkish-Armenian reconciliation and as part of this an open and honest dialogue about the tragic events of 1915.

Question: How does the non-use of the genocide term, as you have advocated, advance U.S. efforts to promote Armenian-Turkish reconciliation?

Answer: I believe the United States should strongly support Armenian-Turkish reconciliation and avoid steps that could derail that process or discourage either party from participating in the ongoing dialogue. Ultimately, Turkey and Armenia are the owners of their historical reconciliation process, and I have been encouraged by the bold steps taken recently in this direction by Turkish and Armenian leaders to reconcile their countries with each other and with their shared and painful past. I also believe the steps Turkey and Armenia are taking towards normalizing relations and opening their border will foster a better environment for confronting their shared tragic history. Turkey and Armenia have sought U.S. support and encouragement of their reconciliation efforts, and following the lead of the President, if confirmed, I will give mine fully.

Question: Do you believe there can be reconciliation between Turkey and Armenia without an acknowledgment of the genocide by Turkey?

Answer: The Turkish and Armenian governments have already started taking courageous steps toward reconciliation, including by Armenian President Sargsian and Turkish President Gul, who met in Yerevan at President Sargsian’s invitation to attend a World Cup qualifier soccer match on September 6, 2008. I welcome the efforts by individuals in Armenia and Turkey to foster reconciliation and peace, and to come to terms with their shared past. I look forward to full normalization of Armenia-Turkey relations, after which genuine reconciliation – including through an open and honest dialogue of the tragic events of 1915 – can occur. If confirmed, I will strongly support ongoing efforts between Turkey and Armenia to open their border and re-establish diplomatic relations.

Question: Would you visit with government officials from Nagorno-Karabakh, if they requested such a meeting?

Answer: As Co-Chair of the OSCE Minsk Group, the United States has played an active and important role in efforts to resolve the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. The U.S. Co-Chair, in addition to trips to Yerevan and Baku, often travels to Stepanakert to meet with de facto N-K authorities. The Obama Administration has stated that it is committed to achieving a breakthrough on Nagorno - Karabakh, and I look forward to assisting in this important effort if I am confirmed.

QUESTION: Would you permit USAID personnel, who are not Armenian nationals, to visit Nagorno-Karabakh?

ANSWER: As the United States continues to work toward a settlement of the conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan over Nagorno-Karabakh, the United States Government is striving to use their assistance to address the genuine humanitarian needs of the residents of Nagorno-Karabakh in a spirit of cooperation and friendship. What matters most is that we design and implement these programs properly, to have the greatest possible positive impact in addressing urgent needs. At this sensitive point in negotiations on a peaceful settlement of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict under the OSCE’s Minsk Group, the Administration believes it is prudent to avoid significant changes in the modus operandi of our assistance efforts, especially in ways that might incorrectly imply that the United States has formally recognized Nagorno-Karabakh as a government, which neither the United States, Armenia, or any other country has done. That said, U.S. assistance to Nagorno-Karabakh, focused on improving the conditions of those living in the area, is essential to building trust and confidence in our negotiating efforts. U.S. assistance is doing critical work in demining and providing potable water to the residents there. United States-based NGOs have traveled to Nagorno Karabakh to provide humanitarian assistance. Additionally, as you noted, USAID personnel visit Nagorno-Karabakh to oversee and evaluate projects, conduct needs assessments, and consult with both “officials” and ordinary residents.

Question: Would you advise President Obama to in any way weaken or retreat from his clear pledge to the American people to recognize the Armenian Genocide? Why or why not?

Answer: If confirmed, I would advise President Obama to do everything possible to encourage Turkey to come to terms with its history and honor the victims of these horrendous events, and to help Armenia and Turkey come to terms with their shared and painful past. I will faithfully support whatever policy is decided by President Obama. If confirmed, I will strongly encourage Turkey and Armenia to deepen their efforts in this regard, and to normalize their relations and reopen their border.

Question: Then Senator Obama urged U.S. recognition of the Armenian Genocide on numerous occasions:
• On July 28, 2006, in a letter to Secretary Rice concerning the firing of US Ambassador to Armenia John Evans, he wrote, “The occurrence of the Armenian genocide in 1915 is not an ‘allegation,’ a ‘personal opinion,’ or a ‘point of view’ . . . . [I]t is a widely documented fact.”

• On April 28, 2008, in a Senate floor statement in remembrance of the Armenian Genocide, he stated, “It is imperative that we recognize the horrific acts carried out against the Armenian people as genocide and I will continue to stand with the Armenian American community in calling for the Government of Turkey to acknowledge it as such.”

• On January 19, 2008, Obama stated that “America deserves a leader who speaks truthfully about the Armenian Genocide and responds forcefully to all genocides.”

Do you disagree with any of the above statements? If so, please explain?

Answer: Policy on this issue is determined by the President, and, if confirmed, I have a duty to faithfully represent the policy of the President. I recognize the mass killings, ethnic cleansing, and forced exile of 1.5 million Armenians by the Ottoman Empire. I feel very strongly about the great suffering experienced by the Armenian people both at that time and today as they remember this tragic chapter in their history. I fully respect that the Armenian-American community and the Armenian people want their pain and loss to be acknowledged. If confirmed, I will do everything I can to encourage Turkey to come to terms with this dark chapter in history, including through an open and honest dialogue with Armenia and within Turkey on these events. These efforts would help facilitate reconciliation, economic prosperity, peace, and stability in the region and would help encourage a full understanding of these terrible events. If confirmed, I am committed to do everything possible to ensure such horrors never recur.

Question: Do you dispute that U.S. diplomats serving in the Ottoman Empire during the Armenian Genocide documented a systematic, government-sponsored campaign "with intent to destroy, in whole or in part" the Armenian population?

Answer: No. I have read many of the historical records from 1915-1916 related to U.S. diplomatic reporting on these events, and I do not dispute that Ambassador Morgenthau, Ambassador Elkus, and other diplomats during that time period reported on what they described as an attempt to destroy the Armenian population.

You have written articles opposing resolutions recognizing the Armenian Genocide. If the Republic of Turkey ended its denial of the Armenian Genocide, would you no longer counsel against using the term “Armenian Genocide?” Why or why not?

Answer: I recognize and mourn the mass killings, ethnic cleansing, and forced deportations that devastated over one and a half million Armenians by the Ottoman Empire. The United States considers these events to be one of the greatest tragedies of the 20th Century, the “Great Calamity” as many Armenians refer to it. It is the prerogative of the President to determine the policy on how the Administration characterizes these tragic events.

I have encouraged Turkey to come to terms with its past and if confirmed will continue to do so. That will not be easy, just as it has not been easy for the United States to come to terms with dark periods of our own past. I firmly commit to supporting Turkish-Armenian reconciliation, if I am confirmed. I believe a successful reconciliation will not only need to include normalization of relations and reopening the border, but also an open and honest dialogue about the tragic events of 1915. Turkey and Armenia have asked for U.S. support and encouragement of their efforts, and following the lead of the President, if confirmed, I will give mine fully.

Question: Who was responsible for the death of over 1.5 million Armenians during WWI?

Answer: This administration, like those before it, does not deny the facts –1.5 million Armenians were murdered, starved, or deported by civilian officials and soldiers of the Ottoman Empire, some of whom were sentenced to death for committing these crimes. The United States mourns this terrible chapter of history and recognizes that it remains a source of pain for the people of Armenia and of Armenian descent, and all those who believe in the dignity and value of every human life.

Question: Despite the painful and ongoing legacy of the Armenian Genocide, and the continued illegal, Turkish blockade, Armenia has, repeatedly, offered to open diplomatic and economic relations with Turkey without preconditions. Do you believe Turkey should accept Armenia’s offer to establish full diplomatic and economic relations without preconditions?

Answer: Turkey and Armenia have sought and received strong U.S. support for their reconciliation efforts, and, if confirmed, I will give mine fully. I welcome these efforts by individuals in Armenia and Turkey and look forward to the realization of a fully normalized Armenia-Turkey relationship. If confirmed, I will strongly support ongoing efforts between Turkey and Armenia to open their border and re-establish diplomatic relations. I am encouraged by the positive developments toward normalization, including commercial flights, considerable trade, and rapid visa issuance, as well as the courageous steps by Armenian President Sargsian and Turkish President Gul to improve bilateral relations, including through their historic meeting in Yerevan last September. The Administration welcomes the plans of both presidents to meet again in Ankara this October, and hope that by then, the Turkey-Armenia border will be reopened.

GORDN’S/BROOKINGS FINANCIAL COMPENSATION

Philip Gordon Payments Received from EUR Countries 2006-2009

Payee Country Date Amount Purpose

Encompass Publications Belgium 11/08 $400 article
Encompass Publications Belgium 9/08 $400 article
Encompass Publications Belgium 7/08 $400 article
Financial Times UK 7/09/08 $500 oped
US-Spain Chamb Commerce Spain 6/05/08 $2,500 speech
Foreign Policy France France 5/15/08 $10,000 speech
Encompass Publications Belgium 5/08 $400 article
Encompass Publications Belgium 3/08 $400 article
Encompass Publications Belgium 1/08 $400 article
Financial Times UK 1/04/08 $500 oped
Financial Times UK 12/05/07 $500 oped
Encompass Publications Belgium 11/07 $400 article
Encompass Publications Belgium 09/07 $400 article
Norwegian Foreign Ministry Norway 08/07 $2,500 report
Encompass Publications Belgium 07/07 $400 article
Financial Times UK 7/25/07 $500 oped
Encompass Publications Belgium 05/07 $400 article
Encompass Publications Belgium 03/07 $400 article
Encompass Publications Belgium 01/07 $400 article
French Foreign Ministry France 2006 $7,000 translation

Corporate Donors with Foreign Addresses

Constituent Name Country Date Fund Description Cash Received Reference

Eksiogullari Group Turkey 3/5/2008 Turkey 2007 $75,000.00 Supported research activities and conferences of Brookings Turkey project
Eksiogullari Group Turkey 9/29/2008 Turkey 2007 $75,000.00 Supported research activities and conferences of Brookings Turkey project
Hedef-Alliance Holding Turkey 1/17/2007 Turkey 2007 $30,000.00 Support for Turkey 2007 initiative (project run by former Ambassador Mark Parris)
Nurol Turkey 2/6/2008 Turkey 2007 $30,000.00 Support for Turkey 2007 initiative (project run by former Ambassador Mark Parris)
Turkish Industrialists' and Businessmen's Association Turkey 3/8/2007 Turkey 2007 $25,000.00 Support for Turkey 2007 initiative (project run by former Ambassador Mark Parris)
Turkish Industrialists' and Businessmen's Association Turkey 6/8/2007 Turkey 2007 $25,000.00 Support for Turkey 2007 initiative (project run by former Ambassador Mark Parris)
Turkish Industrialists' and Businessmen's Association Turkey 10/5/2007 Turkey 2007 $25,000.00 Support for Turkey 2007 initiative (project run by former Ambassador Mark Parris)
Turkish Industrialists' and Businessmen's Association Turkey 4/22/2008 Turkey 2007 $25,000.00 Support for Turkey 2007 initiative (project run by former Ambassador Mark Parris)
Turkish Industrialists' and Businessmen's Association Turkey 7/8/2008 Turkey 2007 $25,000.00 Support for Turkey 2007 initiative (project run by former Ambassador Mark Parris)
Turkish Industrialists' and Businessmen's Association Turkey 2/27/2009 Turkey 2007 $25,000.00 Support for Turkey 2007 initiative (project run by former Ambassador Mark Parris)
Turkish Industrialists' and Businessmen's Association Turkey 2/6/2009 Turkey 2007 $50,000.00 Support for Turkey 2007 initiative (project run by former Ambassador Mark Parris)
Dogan Yayin Holdings/Hanzade Dogan Turkey 2/16/2007 CUSE $30,000.00 Support for Turkey 2007 initiative (project run by former Ambassador Mark Parris)
Dogan Yayin Holdings/Hanzade Dogan Turkey 2/16/2007 $70,000.00 Membership on Brookings' international advisory committee
Sabanci University Turkey 6/27/2006 CUSE $2,500.00 honorarium to Strobe Talbott for participation as judge in research award
Sabanci University Turkey 9/12/2008 Turkey Sabanci Lect T2 $9,673.21 travel costs for Sabanci delegation
Sabanci University Turkey 6/27/2006 Turkey Project $45,530.81 travel, conference, and administrative costs for annual Sabanci lecture
Sabanci University Turkey 7/5/2007 CUSE - France Activities $49,588.75 travel, conference, and administrative costs for annual Sabanci lecture
Sabanci University Turkey 11/25/2008 Turkey Project $85,000.00 travel, conference, and administrative costs for annual Sabanci lecture

*** NOTE: Primary funding for the work of Philip H. Gordon in 2006-2007 was provided by the Smith Richardson Foundation. From 2007-2009 primary funding was provided to Mr. Gordon by the Norwegian Foreign Ministry, the Carnegie Foundation, the Rockefeller Brothers Fund, and the Brookings Endowment.

Sunday, May 10, 2009

Garoyian: No substantive progress at Cyprus talks so far

(TGA News) - NEW YORK.- President of the House of Representatives Marios Garoyian has said that, despite the sincere political will and the constructive initiatives on behalf of the Greek Cypriot side, no substantive progress has been achieved so far at the negotiating table on the Cyprus issue.

Garoyian, who held a meeting on Thursday with his Maltese counterpart Louis Galea, expressed the gratitude of Cyprus for the support of Malta regarding the Cyprus problem and informed his Maltese counterpart about recent developments in the Cyprus issue.

He also referred to the continuous efforts of the Greek Cypriot side for the achievement of an agreed, just and viable solution of the Cyprus problem, according to the UN Security Council resolutions and the EU principles and values.

“Unfortunately”, Garoyian added, “Ankara holds the key for the solution of the Cyprus problem and Turkey insists on unacceptable positions for a solution based on a confederation and two separate states”.

Referring to the ongoing talks between the leaders of the two communities in Cyprus, which began last September, Garoyian pointed out that “despite the sincere political will and the constructive initiatives on behalf of the Greek Cypriot side, no substantive progress has been achieved so far”.

The Maltese official, who is currently in Cyprus for the UN International Meeting in Support of Israeli-Palestinian Peace, referred to the UN meeting which took place in Nicosia and expressed conviction that parliamentary diplomacy could further contribute to peace, stability and prosperity in the Mediterranean region and help international efforts to reach a solution of the Middle East problem.

According to an official press release, Garoyian and Galea also exchanged views on ways to further promote bilateral relations.

Garoyian extended an invitation to Galea to pay an official visit to Cyprus.

The leaders of the two communities in Cyprus, President of the Republic Demetris Christofias and Turkish Cypriot leader Mehmet Ali Talat, began in early September 2008 direct negotiations with a view to reach a solution of the Cyprus problem and reunite the island, which has been divided since the Turkish invasion of 1974.

Tuesday, April 28, 2009

EU must obey Nicosia's rulings, even in north Cyprus, EU court says

(Earth Times) - Luxembourg - European Union member states must enforce rulings by courts in the Greek half of Cyprus even if they cover property in the Turkish-controlled north of the island, the EU's highest court ruled on Tuesday. "A judgment of a court in the Republic of Cyprus must be recognized and enforced by the other (EU) member states even if it concerns land situated in the north of the island," the European Court of Justice said in a statement. The ruling comes in a complex legal dispute pitting a British couple, David and Linda Orams, against a Greek Cypriot, Meletis Apostolides, whose family was forced to leave Northern Cyprus during the Turkish invasion of 1974. Apostolides sued the Orams for buying his family's land from an unnamed third party and building a holiday home on it, demanding that they give him the land back and pay him rent. A Cypriot court backed Apostolides' claim, ordering the Orams to leave the land and pay him damages and costs. Apostolides then took that ruling to Britain, demanding that the British courts enforce it. Tuesday's precedent-setting ruling means that the British courts will have to accept Apostolides' demand, even though there is no way for the Cypriot court to enforce its judgment on the divided island. "The fact that the land concerned is situated in an area over which the government does not exercise effective control ... does not preclude the recognition and enforcement of those judgments in another member state," the court statement said.

Το ΔΕΚ δικαίωσε το Μελέτη Αποστολίδη στην υπόθεση Όραμας

(Phileleftheros) - Λουξεμβούργο: Το Δικαστήριο Ευρωπαϊκών Κοινοτήτων δικαίωσε σήμερα το Μελέτη Αποστολίδη στην υπόθεση εναντίον του ζεύγους Όραμς. Ο Αποστολίδης είχε κινηθεί νομικά εναντίον του ζεύγους Όραμας επειδή είχαν ανεγείρει οικία σε γη που του ανήκει στην κατεχόμενη Κερύνεια και αρχικά δικαιώθηκε από κυπριακό δικαστήριο. Ωστόσο, πρωτόδικη απόφαση βρετανικού δικαστηρίου υποστήριζε ότι αυτή δεν μπορούσε να εκτελεστεί από τη βρετανική δικαιοσύνη.

Ο Αποστολίδης εφεσίβαλε την απόφαση με αποτέλεσμα το Εφετείο της Βρετανίας να αποστείλει στο Δικαστήριο Ευρωπαϊκών Κοινοτήτων την υπόθεση για τη λήψη τελικής απόφασης.

Σε δηλώσεις του από το Λουξεμβούργο, ο δικηγόρος του Ελληνοκύπριου Μελέτη Αποστολίδη, Κωνσταντής Καντούνας, είπε πως η απόφαση είναι 100% υπέρ των θέσεων του κ. Αποστολίδη.

Greek Cypriots 'can reclaim land'

(BBC) - A European court has backed the right of a Greek Cypriot to reclaim land in Turkish-controlled northern Cyprus that has since been sold to a UK couple.

Meletis Apostolides was one of thousands of Greek Cypriots who fled his home when Turkish forces invaded in 1974, following a Greek-inspired coup.

The land was later sold to Linda and David Orams, who built a villa on it.

The European Court of Justice says a ruling in a Cypriot court that the villa must be demolished is applicable.

Even if the ECJ ruling cannot be enacted because the land is under Turkish Cypriot control, it means Mr Apostolides will be able to pursue a claim for compensation in a British court.

It could also open the way for hundreds more Greek Cypriots to demand restitution for properties they were forced to flee.

British Couple Must Demolish Cyprus Home, EU Top Court Says

(Bloomberg) -- A U.K. couple ordered by a Southern Cyprus court to demolish their holiday home in the northern part of the island, are bound by the ruling, the European Union’s highest court said.

The European Court of Justice in Luxembourg today said that a judgment from a judge in the Republic of Cyprus in the south must be recognized by EU countries even if it concerns land in the northern part of the island.

Linda and David Orams, a retired British couple have been entangled in litigation across Europe since the court’s 2004 order. Their dispute took a twist when London’s Court of Appeal in 2007 questioned whether the ruling could be enforced in Northern Cyprus, an area recognized only by Turkey and not part of the EU.

The ruling, which can’t be appealed and has to be followed by the U.K. court, has implications for thousands of Britons who own property in Northern Cyprus. The Orams, from Hove, England, said they invested 160,000 pounds ($230,000) in their holiday home in Lapithos, a region in the north occupied by Turkish troops in 1974.

The Cypriot court ordered the Orams to tear down their property in the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, return the land and pay damages to Meletis Apostolides, an architect whose Greek Cypriot family originally owned the land.

Apostolides applied to have the judgment recognized in the U.K. which would allow him to seize the couple’s assets. He argued that since the U.K. and Cyprus were both EU member nations, the ruling was enforceable across the region.

The case is C-420/07 Apostolides v Orams.

Saturday, April 25, 2009

ECJ to rule on Orams

(Cyprus Weekly) - FAR REACHING IMPLICATIONS FOR PROPERTY ISSUE

The European Court of Justice will on Tuesday rule on the high profile Orams case which is set to have far reaching effects on the issue of refugee properties in Cyprus.

The ECJ preliminary decision will determine whether EU citizens who are penalised by Cypriot courts for buying refugee property in the occupied part of Cyprus, can have the Cypriot court decision enforced against them in their home country under EU Regulation 44/2001.

It follows an appeal by Greek Cypriot refugee Meletis Apostolides, who sought to enforce a 2004 local court decision in the UK against David and Linda Orams for illegally building a luxury villa on his Lapithos property.

The Advocate General of the ECJ Juliane Kokott in an opinion published in December 2008 fully endorsed Apostolides’ arguments, expressing also the view that the negotiation efforts to solve the Cyprus problem do not constitute public policy grounds on which to reject the appeal.

But Apostolides’ lawyer Constantis Candounas in a press release this week stressed that the Advocate General’s Opinion is not binding on the Luxembourg-based European Court of Justice.

Apostolides and his lawyer will give a conference on their return from Luxembourg.

Irrespective of the final outcome, Apostolides expressed thanks to the Government of Poland, the Hellenic Republic, the Government of the Republic of Cyprus as well as the Commission of the European Communities for submitting written observations in the proceedings before the ECJ.

Saturday, March 28, 2009

Archaeologists Unearth Oldest Temple in Region

(Cyprus Weekly) - ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGISTS UNEARTH OLDEST TEMPLE IN REGION

EXCLUSIVE By Demetra Molyva

Archaeologists have uncovered what they believe is the most ancient religious site in Cyprus and unique to the Mediterranean

The one of a kind, triangular shaped temple at Pyrgos-Mavroraki, outside Limassol, dates back to around 2,000 BC - beating previous discoveries by a thousand years.

It was unearthed by a team of Italian archaeologists led by Rome-based expert Maria Rosaria-Belgiorno of the Archaeological Mission of the Italian National Council for Research.

“This is the first evidence of religion in Cyprus at the beginning of the second millennium BC,” she told The Cyprus Weekly from Rome.

“The temple is the most ancient found in Cyprus and of a unique triangular shape. The finding sheds new light on the existence of religion on the island, since the oldest temple found in Cyprus before that was Kition and Enkomi, both dating to 1,000 BC,” she added.
The temple is not a rural sanctuary, but part of an urban, industrial settlement.

“We found no statues, although there is evidence that it is a monotheist temple. The most important thing is the altar and the blood channel running on two sides.”

The site is not Aegean-like, but resembles temples in Palestine and of the Canaanite religion, and has links to descriptions in the Bible.

“Among the finds we found stone horns which are more ancient than the consecration horns found in Kouklia, Enkomi, Kition, and Myrthou (Pighades) seven centuries later,” Belgiorno said.

The temple was brought to light during excavations in 2008, south of the industrial complex discovered previously.

The religious purpose of the building is confirmed by the materials found, including four calcarenite horns and bones from sacrificed animals.

The mission’s excavations at Pyrgos-Mavroraki began in 1998, and brought to light a protopalatial architectural unit of 4,000 sq. m of the third millennium BC.

Of particular importance was the discovery of an industrial zone, focusing on the production of olive oil, wine and aromatic essences.

An exhibition entitled “Cyprus, a site 4, 000 years old and experimental archaeology on the olive oil, perfumes, metallurgy and textiles of Pyrgos/Mavroraki” opens at the Etrusco National Museum in Viterbo, Italy on April 2.

Monday, March 23, 2009

Sunday, March 22, 2009

Prominent Greek Americans send letter to President Obama and VP Biden

Greek American leaders send letter on the eve of the White House Greek Independence Day Celebration asking US leaders to reverse decision of administration officials to meet with Mr. Talat.

The letter:

March 20, 2009
The Honorable Barack Obama
President of the United States
The Honorable Joseph Biden
Vice President of the United States
The White House
Washington, D.C. 20500

Dear President Obama and Vice President Biden:
It has come to our attention that certain officials in your Administration are considering actions that are on the verge of extending the Bush Administration doctrine even further by establishing a Cyprus policy that contradicts both of your clearly articulated views on the issue. Please intervene before they cause America problems that will take years to correct.

Your Administration has not yet held high level contacts with either the President or the Foreign Minister of Cyprus. Thus, we are shocked to learn from a statement by the Turkish-Cypriot spokesman in Cyprus that they are now on the verge of establishing this Administration’s de facto recognition of an illegal entity in Cyprus’ militarily occupied area, while ignoring the internationally recognized Cyprus government. We understand that they plan to do this through high level Administration meetings with the leader of the pseudo-state before meetings with the President or Foreign Minister of the Republic of Cyprus.

You said to us in 2007, Mr. President, that America was “able to rely on Cyprus in the War on Terror and we were able to rely on Cyprus during the Lebanon Crisis.” Cyprus again demonstrated its support for U.S. security efforts by recently stopping an arms shipment from Iran to Hamas at U.S. urging. The last time Cyprus took such an action, Syria retaliated by taking a step toward de facto recognition of the occupied area of Cyprus by establishing ferry boat service to the north. If the people in your Administration follow through with these meetings, particularly before meeting with the government of Cyprus, our country will have punished Cyprus in the same way Syria did, by taking a step toward de facto recognition of the occupied area.

We know that you want, as you said to us, a “solution to the situation in Cyprus…based on the rule of law, not on force, one that is based on UN resolutions passed on the Cyprus issue, and on the very principles and standards of the EU….” Yet, the occupied area of Cyprus, with which your people are aligning you, is an anathema to those principles -- forced into place by more Turkish troops on that little island than America has in Afghanistan. Such de facto recognition will further solidify Turkish insistence on unreasonable Cyprus settlement provisions that virtually all Democrats on the Senate European Affairs Subcommittee objected to and which even a majority of the Republicans on that Subcommittee called “unacceptable to western democracies” in a letter to President Bush.

We understand that the Administration supports Turkey’s eventual accession into the European Union, as does the Republic of Cyprus. Pursuing anything that suggests de facto recognition of the occupation regime would not only be contrary to countless UN Security Council resolutions, but it would perhaps force the Republic of Cyprus to reconsider its stance with regard to Turkey and the EU.

Please overturn these misguided actions by people in your Administration. The Greek-American community that has been so committed to your Presidency and Vice Presidency, and the hope that they believed it would bring to the militarily occupied nation of Cyprus, will be devastated.

Sincerely,

Andrew A. Athens
Philip Christopher
Andy Manatos
Peter Papanicolaou
Nikos Mouyiaris
George Tsunis
Tasos Zambas
Endy Zemenides
Zenon Christodoulou
George Dovellos
Michael Galanakis

Saturday, March 21, 2009

Turkey has to allow Christians to repair their destroyed churches

(Cyprus Weekly) - Church opens Brussels office

If Turkey wishes to have a European future, it has to allow Orthodox Christians to repair their destroyed churches and give them the opportunity to visit them whenever they wish, Archbishop Chrystostomos said in Brussels this week.

Speaking at the inauguration ceremony of the Office of the Representation of the Church of Cyprus to the EU, in the heart of the Belgian capital, Chrysostomos said the Church has the obligation to inform its EU partners about the continuous destruction, looting and desecration of the Greek Orthodox religious sites by the Turkish army in the Turkish-held north.

“Our churches have been looted and destroyed and despite everything, our efforts to be allowed to repair them at our own expenses have been fruitless. On the contrary, their own holy sites in the government controlled areas have been maintained by our government. And they are allowed to use them whenever they wish,” Chrysostomos said.

The Archbishop stressed that 50,000 icons, frescoes, religious mosaics and other religious relics have been stolen from the places of worship in the occupied areas, since the 1974 Turkish invasion.

Some have been located in European and other auction houses and coordinated efforts by the church and the government have led to the repatriation of some of them after paying huge amounts of money.

Chrysostomos warned that the Church of Cyprus will go to the European Court of Human Rights and claim all legal remedies.

The office is headed by Bishop of Neapolis Porfyrios who also represents the Church in the EU.

Present at the inauguration ceremony were European officials including EU Health Commissioner Androulla Vassiliou, MEPs, ambassadors from various countries, various representatives of Orthodox Churches and Foreign Minister Marcos Kyprianou.