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Showing posts with label EU-Turkey. Show all posts
Showing posts with label EU-Turkey. Show all posts

Thursday, October 01, 2009

CYPRUS PRESIDENT - INDEPENDENCE DAY - MESSAGE

(CNA) - President of the Republic of Cyprus Demetris Christofias said on Wednesday that the evaluation of Turkey`s EU accession course in December provides Turkey with the opportunity to prove that it really wishes a solution to the Cyprus problem, and warned that if Turkey continues to provoke the EU, by refusing to meet its obligations, it will not be able to continue its accession course unobstructed.

He added that Cyprus` support to Turkey`s EU course was a strategic decision, in order to create the dynamics for a solution, noting that a solution should be based on principles and be the product of negotiations and agreement between the two communities.

In a message to the people for the October 1 anniversary of the independence of Cyprus, President Christofias referred to the establishment of the Republic of Cyprus, which is ``a common success of Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots,`` and added that ``we owe honour and gratitude to those who fought and fell to liberate our homeland, to defend the independence, democracy and territorial integrity of our homeland all these years.``

President Christofias referred to the ``Cyanean Rocks, adventures and tragedies`` of the newly established Republic of Cyprus, the high levels of growth and progress achieved by the people of Cyprus, and the events of 1974.

He also referred to the efforts that led to the resumption of the dialogue for a Cyprus settlement, noting that the agreed basis is ``a bizonal, bicommunal federation with political equality, as defined in relevant UN resolutions, for a single state with a single sovereignty, a single citizenship and a single international identity.``

``We are pursuing a solution that will safeguard the human rights and fundamental freedoms of the whole of our people. It is our view that Cyprus, an EU member state, does not need guarantees and guardians with intervention rights,`` he added.

President Christofias said that the first round of negotiations ``was concluded with some relative progress, which however is not enough.``

``Nevertheless, we continue the negotiations with the same determination. We knew from the beginning that the path of the negotiations would be neither easy nor strewn with rose petals. The path of the negotiations is difficult and uphill but we who are seeking a solution and reunification, permanent peace and security, the restoration and safeguarding of the human rights and fundamental freedoms of all Cypriots, it is a one-way street,`` he pointed out.

He said that ``our effort is to achieve a solution the soonest possible, because the passing of time creates more problems,`` adding that ``we will not accept a solution that is not based on principles, and we will not accept a solution that is not the product of negotiations and agreement between the two communities.``

President Christofias said that, ``with the policy we are implementing, we managed to convince the international community that the process for a settlement belongs to the Cypriots, that there will be neither arbitration nor deadlines.``

``Despite the problems in the negotiations, I continue to state that I am reservedly optimistic. With the continuation of the comprehensive strategy we are following, with calmness and insistence on the fundamental principles of the solution, which we have collectively discussed at the National Council, we can reached the long-awaited solution,`` he said.

He pointed out that, ``in order for this to happen, it is a necessary prerequisite that Turkey changes its stance,`` adding that Turkey ``holds the key to the solution and must use it.``

``The time has come for Turkey to prove that it really wishes a solution. The evaluation of its EU accession course in December provides Turkey with this opportunity. By meeting the obligations it has undertaken towards the EU and its member states, and by constructively contributing to efforts for a solution, Turkey will above all help itself. We warn Turkey that if it continues to provoke the EU, by refusing to meet its obligations, it will not be able to continue its accession course unobstructed,`` he said.

President Christofias noted that Cyprus` support to Turkey`s EU course was a strategic decision, in order to create the dynamics for a solution. ``Our support is not a blank checque. It is up to Turkey to cash it,`` he added.

He also referred to the need for unity on the home front in order for the struggle of the people of Cyprus to be successful, and assured that ``establishing unity is a standing aim of our government.``

President Christofias noted that the recent meeting of the National Council, top advisory body to the President of the Republic on the handling of the Cyprus problem, and the issuing of a joint statement with the contribution of all members of the body, was ``an important step to create unity on the home front.``

Regarding other challenges faced by Cyprus, President Christofias said the vision of his government was to build a more just society, which will be able to meet the reasonable needs of the citizens.

He also referred to the global financial crisis, which ``unavoidably adversely affects the economy of Cyprus as well,`` and expressed optimism that the problems would be overcome.

``I assure the citizens that the commitments contained in the programme of my government will be implemented. The financial crisis may delay the implementation of some of them, which is a natural development under the circumstances, but all promises will be kept,`` he said.

President Christofias also sent a message of confidence and optimism to all, as well as a special message of friendship and cooperation to the Turkish Cypriots.

Cyprus, which joined the EU in 2004, has been divided since 1974, when Turkey invaded and occupied its northern third.

President Christofias and Turkish Cypriot leader Mehmet Ali Talat have been engaged in UN-led direct negotiations since September 2008, with an aim to reunite the island.

Sunday, September 27, 2009

President Demetris Christofias in New York












(Photos Of the President and his wife Elsi
at the Terrace on the Park in Queens, New York
September 26, 2009. Click on images to enlarge.)

Last night, the President addressed an event organized by the Cyprus Federation of America to honour veteran Greek Cypriot community leader Hambis Nicolaou with the “Justice for Cyprus” award. During his address, the President touched on the Cyprus issue. He mentioned that "we are struggling to persuade the world that the international law, the United Nations Charter, European Union values and all human rights conventions, international or European, are violated in Cyprus".

Christofias said that the paradox is that Turkey which is the perpetrator in the case of Cyprus, appears, with the support of its powerful friends, to be the victim “and us, who we are the victims, appear to be the perpetrators”.

He also stressed that the fact that the Greek Cypriot side accepted the bizonal, bicommunal federation as the solution to the Cyprus problem has been a historic compromise and expressed regret that "many of our interlocutors ask from us to make more concessions."

Referring to the Annan plan he said that the Greek Cypriot side had to reject it even if it was prepared by the former UN Secretary General, noting that the plan was not fair or balanced and the solution would not be viable and functional.

President Christofias reassured that he will continue his struggle for the vindication of the people of Cyprus.

Saturday, September 26, 2009

A World of Paradoxes


(Source: Cyprus Weekly) - In his address to the United Nations General Assembly last night President Christofias highlighted three paradoxes, all of them linked directly to the Turkish occupation of Cyprus:

1: That Turkey, though a member of the Security Council, does not recognize the Republic of Cyprus, a member state of the United Nations

2: That Turkey, though a member of the Security Council, maintains occupation troops on the territory of another member state of the UN and of the European Union.

3: That Turkey, though a member of the Security Council, undermines the unity and territorial integrity of Cyprus by promoting the creation of a second state in violation of Security Council Resolution 541, which branded the unilateral declaration of the breakaway Turkish Cypriot state null and void.

There is a fourth - very blatant - paradox that reflects directly on an international community prepared to look the other way as laws are flouted and human rights ignored.

The United Nations is supposed to represent the conscience of the world, while the Security Council is supposed to act in the name of international legality.

Turkey’s very presence on the Security Council is a reflection of how far the United Nations still has to go if its promises to build a just world are to be believed.

Granted, Turkey is not the only country that does not deserve a place on an international body purportedly brought together by a shared commitment to peace and justice.

Nor would treating it as a pariah state necessarily bring the desired results.

But surely the time has come the UN to take a long hard look at its members and – just like any club – remind its members that there are rules to the game that must be adhered to.

UN Security Council member Turkey would be a good place to start.



Below is the President's speech to the UN in its entirety:


Mr. President,

I wish to extend to you sincere congratulations on your election as President of the 64th session of the General Assembly of the United Nations and to also express appreciation for the excellent work done by your predecessor, Mr. Miguel d’ Escoto Brockmann.

I would also like to thank the Secretary-General for his comprehensive report on the work of the Organisation and to congratulate him for his initiative to convene the High-level Summit on Climate Change.

Since its independence, the Republic of Cyprus has been committed to multilateral diplomacy and the strengthening of the role of the United Nations.

World stability and welfare have been threatened by the recent global economic crisis. The crisis showed the weaknesses of our collective oversight systems. It is only through collective international action and not through economic nationalism that we can overcome such challenges. The same is true of action against disease and poverty, as well as the prevention of further damage to the environment, which affects the lives of us all.

The most important lesson to be learnt from the financial crisis is that the economy cannot be seen in isolation from the needs of society.

Despite the remarkable development of production forces, that could have secured decent living conditions for all, in many parts of the world people are still deprived of basic goods such as drinking water and health care, as well as access to education and work.

The magnitude of the financial crisis shows that it is a crisis of the system and of its most extreme manifestation- neo-liberalism and market lawlessness. In its present form, globalization is not the realization of the vision of philosophers and social revolutionaries for global brotherhood and prosperity for all. This is because globalization is driven by the pursuit of excessive profits. As a result, the rich are becoming richer and the poor poorer.

Mr. President,

More than half way to the 2015 deadline for the attainment of the Millennium Development Goals, the financial crisis is forcing states and institutions to re-assess global priorities. The UN is the most important international body able to tackle the effects of the global financial crisis, and to act collectively and effectively, to prevent their most dire consequences.

The world today is facing multiple challenges and threats: climate change, depletion of resources, human rights abuses, failure to protect vulnerable populations, increased regional and interstate conflict, proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, pandemics.

From this podium we have heard the desperate voice of those who live on small island states, the despairing appeal of youth and the dramatic warnings of scientists about climate change. If we do not take measures now, we face the risk of extinction. We join our voice and lend our support to the proposals for taking concrete action. We must take measures now. Tomorrow will be too late. The December Meeting in Copenhagen must become a historic turning point towards addressing effectively catastrophic climate changes.

Mr. President,

Since its independence, the Republic of Cyprus has relied heavily on the principles of the United Nations in maintaining its independence, its sovereignty and its territorial integrity.

After the twin crime of a military coup and foreign invasion of Cyprus in 1974, when military force attempted to obliterate our statehood and violated the integrity of our state, the United Nations responded with a number of important resolutions, expressing the international community’s moral and legal support to the Republic of Cyprus.

The plethora of Security Council and General Assembly Resolutions on Cyprus provided my country with the necessary support to continue its struggle for a solution to its political problem, on the basis of those resolutions, the principles of the UN Charter and of international law.

Shortly after my election in office, I undertook the initiative to bring the stalemate to an end. As a result of that, we embarked a year ago, on the basis of the UN Security Council resolutions, and under the auspices of the Good Offices Mission of the Secretary–General, on intensive negotiations with the leader of the Turkish Cypriot community, Mr. Mehmet Ali Talat. Trusting the sincerity of Mr. Talat’s intentions, we have engaged in a common effort to bring an end to the division of our country.

We agreed that the process would be in the hands of the Cypriots without arbitration and artificial timetables.

Some progress has been achieved in the negotiations. But not such as to make us confident that we are close to a final solution to the Cyprus problem.

Our goal is the restoration of the sovereignty, territorial integrity, independence and unity of the Republic of Cyprus, the common homeland of Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots. It is also our goal to restore the human rights and basic freedoms of all citizens of the Republic of Cyprus regardless of their ethnic background.

We are committed to the evolution of the unitary state into a federal state consisting of two largely autonomous regions. One region will be administered by the Greek-Cypriot community and the other by the Turkish-Cypriot community. Given the fact that in Cyprus the population lived intermingled throughout the island, this constituted for us a great historical concession made by the late President Makarios to our Turkish Cypriot compatriots.

We remain true to this commitment. The United Federal Republic of Cyprus must safeguard the unity of the state and its institutions, as well as of the economy and the people.

Unfortunately, despite our common efforts, the Turkish Cypriot side, supported by Turkey, continues to present positions and proposals which lead us outside the framework of the United Nations Resolutions on Cyprus with regard to the termination of military occupation, the illegal possession of properties and the presence of settlers. Possible acceptance of these positions would lead to an acceptance of many of the consequences of the occupation and to violations of international Conventions on human rights, basic freedoms and the principles on which federations are built. It is clear that such a solution would be neither viable, nor functional, and would not ensure the continuing unity of the state and the country.

We sincerely hope that during the second round of negotiations, which has just started, there will be a reconsideration of Turkish positions, so that we can, as soon as possible, reach an agreed solution which we can then present to the people in separate simultaneous referenda.

This solution must be by the Cypriots, for the Cypriots. It is evident that we will not present the people with a solution originating from outside and neither can we accept arbitration and exercise of pressure through artificial timetables. These preconditions were agreed with the Secretary-General under whose auspices the negotiations are taking place. I would like to take this opportunity to thank once again the Secretary-General Mr. Ban Ki-moon for his Good Offices Mission and for the role of the United Nations as a facilitator in the negotiating process.

After the 1974 invasion and the occupation of 37% of the territory of the Republic of Cyprus, Turkey has become a key player for the solution of the Cyprus problem. The success of our efforts for a solution of the problem depends on Turkey’s political will and the policies it implements. It is not enough for the Turkish leadership to publicly state that it supports the negotiating process.

Turkey should contribute in a practical way to a solution of a bizonal, bicommunal federation with political equality as defined in the relevant Security Council resolutions. Instead Turkey pursues a confederal solution.

A good will measure on the part of Turkey would have been the implementation of SC Resolution 550 of 1984 which stipulates the transfer of the occupied ghost-town of Varoshia to the administration of the United Nations and the return of its legal inhabitants to their homes and properties. In addition, Turkey should proceed with the normalization of its relations with the Republic of Cyprus, as well as with its recognition as stipulated by the decisions of the European Union.

Ladies and Gentlemen, I ask you: Is it not a paradox for a country that is a member of the Security Council not to recognize the Republic of Cyprus, a member state of the United Nations, the European Union and of all international organizations?

Is it not a paradox for a member of the Security Council to maintain occupation troops for 35 years on the territory of another UN member state, and a member state of the European Union?

Is it not a paradox to undermine the unity and the territorial integrity of the Republic of Cyprus by promoting the creation of a second state on the island in violation of Security Council Resolution 541 of 1983 which unanimously condemns the illegal UDI, calling it null and void, and calls on all states to respect the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of the Republic of Cyprus?

Yes, it is a paradox and it is also illegal. In fact it is an anomaly! Cyprus has never sought nor wishes to have hostile relations with its neighbour, Turkey. But it is our responsibility to defend the independence, territorial integrity and sovereignty of our state.

Nevertheless, I would like from this august body to express my readiness to initiate dialogue with the Turkish leadership, in parallel to our negotiations with the Turkish Cypriot leader, to share ideas about the future, which would greatly enhance the chances of a positive outcome to the negotiations.

Cyprus has consistently supported the accession of Turkey to the European Union, in the belief that the whole adaptation process and Turkey’s eventual membership would benefit our neighbours, our region and us. However, this support is not unconditional. Turkey should fulfil its obligations towards the Republic of Cyprus as well as towards the European Union.

Mr. President,

I would like to state one more time that our Turkish Cypriot compatriots are equal citizens of the Republic of Cyprus, and that I personally will strive consistently for their rights and for finding their rightful place in all organs of the state.

My political roots are in the Progressive Peoples’ Movement of my country which always stood by the side of our Turkish Cypriot compatriots for peace and harmonious co-existence. Nevertheless, the rights of our Turkish Cypriot compatriots cannot be implemented at the expense of the rights of the bigger community, which is the Greek-Cypriot community. There must be mutual respect. I want to assure you that I will spare no effort in order to achieve a balanced and just solution which would restore the rights of the people as a whole.

We have all paid a heavy price - human, political and economic - and continue to pay a heavy price. The profits of lasting peace will be beneficial for the people of Cyprus, of Turkey and for the peoples of our region as a whole.

Real political leaders are not the ones who think of the next election but of the next generation. We have the responsibility to work together to achieve a lasting peace in our region.

I wish to the family of Nations a successful conclusion of the deliberations of the 64th Session of the General Assembly of the United Nations.

I thank you.

Friday, September 18, 2009

The case of Varnava and Others V. Turkey

ECHR finds Turkey guilty

(Cyprus Weekly) - STRASBOURG - The European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) on Friday found Turkey guilty in the case of a number of missing Greek Cypriots. It also ordered damages to be paid to their families.

Friday’s judgment of the Grand Chamber was in the case of Varnava and Others v. Turkey which dates back to 1990.

“(The Court) holds by sixteen votes to one that there has been a continuing violation of Article 2 of the Convention on account of the failure of the authorities of the respondent State to conduct an effective investigation into the fate of the nine men who disappeared in life-threatening circumstances,” said the 58-page-long judgment.

The applications were introduced before the Court in the name and on behalf of 18 Greek Cypriots.

The ECHR also ordered Turkey to pay, within three months, €12,000 per application, plus any tax that may be chargeable, in respect of non-pecuniary damages.

Also, to pay €8,000 per application, plus any tax that may be chargeable to the applicants or their heirs, in respect of costs and expenses.

Monday, August 31, 2009

Νέα μαρτυρία για σφαγή Ελληνοκυπρίων κατά την τουρκική εισβολή

(H ΝΑΥΤΕΜΠΟΡΙΚΗ) - Μια νέα συγκλονιστική μαρτυρία Τουρκοκυπρίου για εν ψυχρώ σφαγή 320 Ελληνοκυπρίων αιχμαλώτων κατά την εισβολή του 1974 δημοσιεύει σήμερα η τουρκοκυπριακή εφημερίδα «Αφρίκα».

Σύμφωνα με την εφημερίδα, ο Τουρκοκύπριος δήλωσε ότι ήταν ένας από τους συνοδούς των αιχμαλώτων που μεταφέρθηκαν με οκτώ λεωφορεία -40 αιχμάλωτοι στο κάθε λεωφορείο- στο σημείο όπου είχε γίνει η απόβαση, δυτικά της Κερύνειας, προκειμένου να μεταφερθούν με πλοία σε φυλακές της Τουρκίας.

Όταν έφθασαν εκεί, είχε καταπλεύσει ένα πλοίο με Τούρκους στρατιώτες, οι οποίοι μόλις αποβιβάστηκαν και πληροφορήθηκαν ότι στα λεωφορεία βρίσκονταν Ελληνοκύπριοι αιχμάλωτοι, τους επιτέθηκαν με ξιφολόγχες και τους σκότωσαν με αγριότητα, μέχρι και τον τελευταίο. Ο Τουρκοκύπριος δήλωσε ότι η θάλασσα βάφτηκε κόκκινη από το αίμα των αιχμαλώτων. Όπως χαρακτηριστικά ανέφερε, και ο ίδιος φοβήθηκε για τη ζωή του γιατί η μανία των Τούρκων στρατιωτών ήταν τόση που υπήρχε κίνδυνος να σφάξουν και τους Τουρκοκύπριους που συνόδευαν τους Ελληνοκύπριους αιχμάλωτους.

Ο αυτόπτης μάρτυρας, που δεν θέλησε να αποκαλυφθεί το όνομά του, δήλωσε ότι οι 320 Ελληνοκύπριοι αιχμάλωτοι ίσως να τάφηκαν σε κάποιο χώρο κοντά στο ξενοδοχείο Μάρε Μόντε, το οποίο είχε λειτουργήσει λίγους μόνο μήνες πριν από την εισβολή.

Στη μαρτυρία του ο Τουρκοκύπριος ανέφερε ότι η σφαγή έγινε στα τέλη Αυγούστου του 1974, δηλαδή λίγες μέρες μετά την ολοκλήρωση της δεύτερης φάσης της τουρκικής εισβολής.

Πρόκειται για το μεγαλύτερο αριθμό εν ψυχρώ δολοφονηθέντων Ελληνοκυπρίων αιχμαλώτων, που έχει καταγραφεί με μαρτυρία.

ΑΠΕ-ΜΠΕ

320 Greek Cypriot prisoners of war were killed with a sword bayonet

New mass execution revealed

(Cyprus Weekly) - NICOSIA - Another mass execution of Greek Cypriot POWs by the Turkish army comes to light 35 years after it took place during the Turkish invasion of the island in 1974.

The Turkish Cypriot daily “Afrika” quotes an eye witness, who kept his anonymity, that eight busloads of POWs were bayoneted and hacked to death as they waited to be shipped to Turkey.

The massacre took place towards the end of August 1974 when about 320 Greek Cypriot POWs were driven in buses to the Kyrenia coast to board a ship for their transport to Turkey.

According to the eye witness, as they waited new Turkish recruitments that had just landed attacked them and killed them all using their fixed bayonets or knives.

The eyewitness said the massacred Greek Cypriot may have been buried near the Mare Monte Hotel, not far from where they were killed.

Wednesday, August 19, 2009

War crimes 'were committed in Cyprus'

(CNA) - War crimes were committed during the Turkish invasion of Cyprus in 1974, Roger Gale, Conservative Member of the British Parliament has said in an interview with London Greek Radio.

Gale spoke about the remains of five Greek Cypriot prisoners of war, identified 35 years after they were killed, and thrown down a well, and stressed: “I think that the news that has come through confirms simply what most of us have always believed, which is that in the course of the Turkish invasion of Northern Cyprus war crimes were committed. That is a fact that needs to be fully and properly investigated by the appropriate authorities and the appropriate action taken. I would be saddened however if any such investigation were to delay the process of the retrieval of remains that can be identified because the most important thing I think is that families who have been waiting for news, have the news and are able to obtain at least some kind of closure”, he noted.

Asked what Britain can do to help solve this problem, Gale said he does not think “this is particularly a problem that Britain can involve itself in other way than as one of the guarantor powers. The process is one that is probably going to be hastened, if at all by the United Nations and the International Red Cross”, he added.

Saturday, August 15, 2009

Cyprus soldier buried 35 years on


(BBC) - The funeral has taken place in Cyprus of one of five Greek Cypriot prisoners of war killed during the Turkish invasion of the island in 1974.

Ioannis Papayiannis was one of five soldiers photographed surrendering to Turkish forces during the invasion.

The soldiers' bodies were identified this week, 35 years after they were killed and thrown down a well.

The remains were recovered from a well in Turkish-controlled northern Cyprus in 2006 along with 14 other bodies.

Greece and Cyprus have called on Turkey to clear up all the cases of people who went missing during the invasion.

Limited remains

Draped in a Cypriot flag, the coffin of Ioannis Papayiannis was escorted into church by a military guard of honour, reports the BBC's Tabitha Morgan from Cyprus.

The coffin itself was very small, suggesting that forensic anthropologists had been able to retrieve only limited skeletal remains, says our correspondent.

At the front of the church members of the Papayiannis family stood to receive respects from the hundreds of mourners present.

Nicos Theodosiou, head of the Committee for the Relatives of Missing Persons, said he had has been to many funerals like this.

"I observed the parents going through pain of losing a son like the person died in a car accident the day before," he said.

"It doesn't make any difference that you were waiting and hoping and you knew at the back of your mind that maybe he's dead.

"It's a whole different thing to be given the remains and told these are the remains of your son - it's like he died yesterday."

For some families services such as this will enable them to move on, says our correspondent.

Others feel that while forensic science may provide answers to how their relatives died, they still want to see the killers brought to justice.

Friday, August 14, 2009

Execution of Greek Cypriot POWs

The truth is still missing

(Cyprus Weekly) - Revelations about the summary execution of five Greek Cypriot POWs by the Turks in 1974 have shocked public opinion and rekindled painful memories.

For their families, it is ironic that they should be expected to find solace in news that their loved ones were shot in the head in cold blood and thrown down a well, despite international conventions safeguarding the lives of captured soldiers.

News that a Greek Cypriot family, including two invalid and bedridden children, was murdered by Turkish soldiers in their home in Lapithos that same tragic summer has only added to the fury.

Yet, despite the justified rage within the Greek Cypriot community, it is important for everyone to look beyond.

Relatives of the missing argue that the plight of their loved ones is a humanitarian matter that should not be used to score political points. Their focus, quite justifiably, has been to keep the issue away from politics so as to get to the truth.

But they have also made clear that this does not mean that those responsible should not be held to account for their actions.

Cynics may shrug their shoulders and argue that atrocities are inevitable in any armed conflict. In so doing, they are unwittingly perhaps, coming dangerously close to condoning a crime. Once they do, they are already half way down a slippery slope that negates a whole system of rules and conventions hammered together by the international community in the hope of ensuring a basic minimum of humanity – even in times of war.

That these rules have been blatantly broken too many times all over the world does not make it right.

The day will hopefully come when a Cyprus settlement is reached, and Turkey and Cyprus no longer see themselves as enemies. A full investigation that will bring those responsible of human rights violations during the 1974 invasion to trial will bring that day closer.

Cyprus marks 35th anniversary of second Turkish offensive

(CNA) - Cyprus marks Friday the 35th anniversary of Turkey`s second offensive against the island in the summer of 1974 resulting in the occupation of the island’s northern third.

It was 14 August 1974 when Ankara`s representatives to the Geneva peace talks refused to give the Greek Cypriot representative time to consider their proposals and effectively presented Glafcos Clerides, former President of the Republic, with an ultimatum.

Turkish troops invaded Cyprus on 20 July 1974, five days after the legal government of the late Archbishop Makarios III was toppled by a military coup engineered by the military junta then ruling Greece.

Two unproductive conferences in Geneva followed; the first between Britain, Greece and Turkey and the second with the additional attendance of Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot representatives.

Three weeks after a ceasefire was declared on 22 July, and despite the fact that talks were still being held and just as an agreement seemed about to be reached, the Turkish army mounted a second full-scale offensive.

As a result, Turkey increased its hold to include the booming tourist resort of Famagusta in the east and the rich citrus-growing area of Morphou in the west. All in all almost 37% of the territory of the Republic of Cyprus came under Turkish military occupation.

Nearly one third of the population, some 200,000 Greek Cypriots, were forcibly uprooted from their homes and properties, thousands were killed during the hostilities, over 1,000 persons were listed as missing while thousands of Greek Cypriots and Maronites remained enclaved.

The European Court of Human Rights has found Turkey guilty of mass violations of human rights in Cyprus.

Over the years, a number of unsuccessful peace rounds were launched under the auspices of the United Nations to find a settlement. These efforts were short lived as they stumbled on the Turkish Cypriot side’s insistence to gain recognition for the puppet regime it set up in November 1983. Only Turkey has recognized the so-called regime which was branded by the Security Council ``legally invalid``.

Ankara has ignored numerous UN resolutions calling for respect of the sovereignty, the independence and the territorial integrity of the Republic of Cyprus and the immediate withdrawal of the Turkish occupation troops.

Cyprus President Demetris Christofias and Turkish Cypriot leader Mehmet Ali Talat began in September 2008 UN-led direct talks to achieve a comprehensive settlement to the Cyprus problem and so far had 40 meetings covering the first reading of all main aspects of the Cyprus problem (Governance and power-sharing, property, territory, EU matters, economic matters and security).

The agreed solution, they added, will be put to separate simultaneous referenda.

The two leaders are scheduled to enter the second phase on September 3.

Wednesday, August 12, 2009

MP wants Turkey to own up on G/C prisoners of war

(Cyprus Weekly) - NICOSIA – DISY MP and Vice President of the Committee on Human Rights of PACE, Christos Pourgourides called on Terry Davis, Council of Europe Secretary General, to ask the Turkish government for clarifications on what happened to Greek Cypriot prisoners of war.
Recent evidences suggests that soldiers were executed after being captured by Turkish army during Turkey’s invasion in 1974.

Pourgourides has also asked the President of the Committee on Legal Affairs and Human Rights of PACE, German MP Herta Daubler-Gmelin, to include the issue on the agenda of the Committee’s next meeting in September.

Pourgourides -- through PACE -- has requested the Turkish government for full disclosure on what happened to Greek Cypriot soldiers. He will also underline that the execution of prisoners constitutes a war crime, therefore the Turkish government is obliged, according to the relevant decision of the ECHR, to proceed with a full investigation.

Monday, August 10, 2009

Cyprus missing persons

These images below were released by the Cyprus Press and Information Office on Monday, Aug. 10, 2009. Greek Cypriot soldiers are pictured surrendering to advancing Turkish troops near Kiados or (Tziaos) village during the second phase of Turkey’s invasion of the island that started on August 14, 1974. The remains of the Greek Cypriot soldiers were recently identified after being unearthed from an abandoned well along with those of 14 other individuals in the breakaway Turkish Cypriot north of the island.


(Click Images to Enlarge)















More on this from Greek Foreign Ministry spokesman Gregory Delavekouras:

FM spokesman on Cyprus POWs

Foreign ministry spokesman Gregory Delavekouras said on Monday that the crimes and flagrant violations of international and humanitarian law by Turkey during the 1974 Turkish invasion of Cyprus were confirmed by the identification of the remains of Greek Cypriot prisoners found in a mass grave in an occupied village in Cyprus.

The remains of five Greek Cypriot prisoners of war (POWs) missing since the 1974 Turkish invasion of Cyprus that were found in exhumations being carried out by the Investigation Committee on Missing Persons (CMP) at a mass grave in the Turkish-occupied village of Tziaos, have been identified through DNA testing, it was learned on the weekend. The remains of 14 other people were also found in the mass grave.

Replying to press questions on the identification of the remains of five of the 19 persons found in the mass grave as belonging to Greek Cypriot National Guard soldiers, Delavekouras made the following statement:

"These findings, as well as the information on the murder of the Greek Cypriot family in Lapithos, confirm the crimes and the flagrant violations of international and humanitarian law perpetrated during the Turkish invasion of Cyprus.

"At long last, we need to see the full implementation of the relevant rulings of the European Court of Human Rights, which call for Turkey to take all the necessary measures to clear up all of the cases of persons who went missing during the Turkish invasion. An end must be put to the anguish experienced daily for 35 years now by the families of missing persons.

"As this particular case has shown, the work of the Committee on Missing Persons in Cyprus (CMP) is of vital importance in the efforts to make progress on this issue. We need to ensure the success of the CMP's humanitarian mission and its continued smooth and effective operation."

Thursday, July 23, 2009

CYPRUS’ RELIGIOUS CULTURAL HERITAGE IN PERIL

COMMISSION ON SECURITY & COOPERATION IN EUROPE:
U.S. HELSINKI COMMISSION


BRIEFING:
CYPRUS’ RELIGIOUS CULTURAL HERITAGE IN PERIL

WITNESSES:
DR. CHARALAMPOS CHOTZAKOGLOU,
PROFESSOR OF BYZANTINE ART AND ARCHAEOLOGY, HELLENIC OPEN UNIVERSITY AND MUSEUM
OF KYKKOS MONASTERY

DR. KLAUS GALLAS,
ART HISTORIAN AND BYZANTINE EXPERT

MICHAEL JANSEN,
AUTHOR,
“WAR AND CULTURAL HERITAGE:
CYPRUS AFTER THE 1974 TURKISH INVASION”

THE HEARING WAS HELD FROM 2:02 P.M. TO 3:02 P.M. IN B-318 RAYBURN HOUSE OFFICE
BUILDING, WASHINGTON, D.C., [RONALD J. MCNAMARA, POLICY ADVISOR, CSCE],
MODERATING

TUESDAY, JULY 21, 2009



RONALD MCNAMARA: Great, if you could take your seats, please. Welcome to this
briefing of the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe. My name is
Ron McNamara and I’ll be serving as the moderator for this afternoon’s briefing
presentations.

At the outset, let me express apologies because the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee is having a business meeting right now which requires our chairman,
Senator Cardin’s participation. And then, as things go on Capitol Hill, the
House of Representatives has scheduled the official photograph of the members
of the 111th Congress to be taken just prior to the briefing. So there may be
a number of members and commission members coming in and out and we certainly
will accommodate them when they appear.

I’m pleased to welcome you to this commission briefing on “Cyprus’ Religious
Cultural Heritage in Peril.” Today’s session is part of the commission’s
ongoing efforts to assess implementation of OSCE commitments by participating
states. In 1991, those states gathered in Cracow, Poland, for the Symposium on
the Cultural Heritage. The document agreed to by all countries at that meeting
included language particularly relevant to the issue before us this afternoon.

The OSCE acknowledged the important contribution of religious faiths,
institutions and organizations to the cultural heritage and committed
themselves to cooperate closely with such groups regarding the preservation of
the cultural heritage, paying due attention to monuments and objects of
religious origin whose original communities no longer use them or no longer
exist in the particular region.

Given its particular applicability to the situation in northern Cyprus, I would
repeat that last part of the text: “whose original communities no longer use
them or no longer exist in the particular region.”

In stark contrast to the situation in the North, which I recently had an
opportunity to visit, scores of mosques and other Islamic places of worship are
maintained by the Cypriot government in the southern part of the country.

Against this backdrop, the commission requested that the law Library of
Congress prepare a report on relevant international law governing protection
and preservation of religious cultural heritage. We appreciate the assistance
that was rendered by the library’s staff and I’m pleased to make that report
available via the commission’s Web site. So if you visit our Web site after
the conclusion of the briefing and click on www.csce.gov you should be able to
access that particular report prepared by the law Library of Congress. As part
of the commission’s investigation into these matters, I also, as I mentioned,
had an opportunity to recently visit that part of Cyprus.

Earlier this month, the OSCE parliamentary assembly adopted a series of
resolutions by one of our commission members, Senator Wicker, that called upon
all participating states: to implement their OSCE commitments and international
obligations; to ensure the preservation and protection of religious cultural
heritage sites including churches, chapels and monasteries as well as monuments
and objects of religious origin; to prevent the theft, clandestine excavation
and illicit export, import or transfer of ownership of cultural property; to
enhance their cooperation in efforts to prevent the illicit international
trafficking in objects of religious origin and other cultural property; and to
facilitate the restitution of illicitly exported cultural property; to help us
focus attention on the scope of the damage and destruction to Cyprus’ rich
religious cultural heritage in the northern part of the country.

I’m pleased to introduce our panelists (sic) of experts this afternoon. We’ll
start with Ms. Michael Jansen, an author and veteran journalist who has written
extensively on the destruction of cultural heritage in northern Cyprus. She is
the author of “War and Cultural Heritage: Cyprus after the 1974 Turkish
Invasion.”

Next we’ll here from Dr. Chotzakoglou, professor of Byzantine art and
archeology at the Hellenic Open University and the Museum of Kykkos Monastery.
He is the author of, “Religious Monuments in Turkish-Occupied Cyprus: Evidence
and Acts of Continuous Destruction.”

And, finally, we will hear from Dr. Klaus Gallas, an art historian and
Byzantine expert who has focused international attention on international art
smuggling of icons and other religious and archeological artifacts plundered
from northern Cyprus.

At the conclusion of the formal presentations and our briefing, I will invite
members of the audience who are interested and have time to be present for the
screening of an 18-minute video produced by Dr. Gallas entitled, “Where Heaven
Falls Prey to Thieves.”

Thank you for your presence this afternoon and I turn the floor over to Ms.
Jansen.

MICHAEL JANSEN: Thank you, Mr. McNamara. I am very pleased to be here and
very honored to speak to the Helsinki Commission. The looting of Cyprus’
cultural heritage is not only a crime against Cyprus but a crime against
humanity. We all are diminished by cultural loss of any kind. As a journalist
based in the Eastern Mediterranean, I have seen a great deal of war, the
scourge of the world’s cultural heritage.

Indeed, we are just picking up the pieces of the wanton destruction of Europe’s
heritage during World War II. What has happened since Turkey occupied northern
Cyprus 35 years ago has been even more dramatic than what took place in Europe.


The devastation is comprehensive and has taken place in a small area.
Churches, chapels, monasteries, libraries, museums and private collections of
religious art and antiquities were looted. Religious and historical sites have
been damaged, ravaged and destroyed. While the focus of this meeting is on the
island’s religious heritage, this is rooted in 12,000 years of history which
came before St. Paul and St. Barnabas brought Christianity to Cyprus.

The cleansing of religious and historical sites began as soon as Turkish troops
set foot in northern Cyprus on July 20, 1974, and continues until today.
Cultural cleansing proceeded in parallel with the ethnic cleansing of 162,000
Greek Cypriots living in the area occupied by Turkey. When the first phase of
the cleansing process ended in 1976, 158,000 Greek Cypriots had been driven
into the government-controlled south. Pillage was both random and conducted by
professional thieves and smugglers.

While gathering material for my book, “War and Cultural Heritage,” I
interviewed Dutch icon dealer Michel Van Rijn, who was in the North during July
1974. As he made his way to Nicosia along roads clogged with refugees, he saw
Turkish soldiers throwing icons from looted churches onto burning pyres. My
husband, a correspondent for The Economist of London, visited the area in
September 1974 and found that churches were open to both looters and vandals.
Nothing had been done to secure the churches when I went there in February
1975. Looters not only ravaged art but also, in the process of plundering,
destroyed religious buildings and archaeological sites.

During the second phase of the cultural cleansing of Cyprus, from 1977 through
1979, the number of Greek Cypriots residing in the North was reduced from 3,600
to 200 – 2,000, while specific treasures were targeted by local networks of
icons and antiquities smugglers.

The pillage was directed by Aydin Dikmen, a major Turkish black market dealer
in Munich. He had developed close connections with Turkish Cypriot looters and
smugglers well before 1974. The third phase began in 1980 and is ongoing.
Today fewer than 500 Greek Cypriots, most of them elderly, remain in enclaves
in the occupied North.

Theft continues from known and newly discovered archaeological sites and
illegal excavations are being conducted by Turkish archaeologists. Both church
buildings and historical sites are falling into rack and ruin due to neglect or
being exploited or bulldozed by developers.

Turkey is directly responsible for whatever takes place in northern Cyprus.
The cultural cleansing of the area could have been averted or curbed if Ankara
had honored its signature on the 1954 Hague Convention for the protection of
cultural heritage during war and occupation. But Turkey did not meet its
commitments.

There were several opportunities for the international community to press
Turkey to do so. The first came in 1974, ’75, before looting had become
widespread or focused on specific treasures. In mid-September 1974, less than
a month after the ceasefire, a Turkish team of experts visited northern Cyprus
and recommended that an inventory be made of both archaeological and church
treasures and that a senior archaeologist should be appointed to protect and
preserve cultural property.

In early October of that year, two experts from UNESCO toured sites in both
north and south and found war damage was slight. They called for the
appointment of a counselor for cultural heritage to supervise conservation and
restoration. UNESCO sent Canadian scholar, Jacques Dalibard, to Cyprus in
February 1975. He concluded that the establishment – uh, sorry. He concluded
that Cyprus should be regarded as “one huge monument” and called for the
establishment of a permanent presence in the North to supervise the protection
and restoration of antiquities and churches.

UNESCO suppressed the report, his life was threatened and nothing was done.
Between 1982 and 1989, European initiatives provided fresh opportunities to
halt depredation and destruction. These were undertaken by a subcommittee of
the parliamentary assembly of the Council of Europe and Europa Nostra. The
former dispatched a mission to Cyprus. It reported that most of the damage has
occurred in the North and is the result of looting evidently linked with a
highly professional international market in illegally exported art. Nothing
was done.

An opportunity also presented itself in 1989. This was the landmark trial in
Indianapolis where a judge ordered a local art dealer to return to Cyprus four
segments of an early 6th-century mosaic composition. These had been stripped
by Dikmen’s agents from a church in northern Cyprus.

The judge awarded the mosaics to Cyprus on the ground that, quote, “a thief
obtains no title or right of possession of stolen items,” unquote. Therefore,
quote, “a thief cannot pass on any right of ownership to subsequent
purchasers,” unquote. Nothing was done about Dikmen or continuing pillage and
destruction of the cultural heritage of Cyprus.

An opportunity to put Dikmen out of business was presented to Germany in 1970 –
1997 when the Munich police helped Van Rijn, poacher turned game keeper by this
time, to mount a sting operation designed to return stolen icons and
antiquities to Cyprus. Dikmen’s hoard of 8,000 items was seized; hundreds of
Cypriot artifacts were identified. Dikmen was put in prison.

He was released after a year and the treasures remain in Munich. Turkey may
not have set out to pillage and destroy the cultural heritage of northern
Cyprus, but Ankara did set out to change the area’s identity. Ankara cleansed
the Greek Cypriots and erased the Hellenic character of the North by replacing
Greek place names with Turkish names.

Turkey also collaborated in the destruction of the North’s dominant Christian
culture by allowing churches to collapse due to neglect or to be looted and to
be used as cinemas, restaurants, store houses and goat pens

Hundreds of churches and chapels, frescoes and icons had survived in the North
until the last quarter of the 20th century and provided spiritual uplift to
local Christian communities. Finally, I would like to suggest that the CSCE
has some responsibility for the division and ethnic and cultural cleansing of
Cyprus. As the Helsinki Accord was being negotiated, the Greek military junta
made a coup against the legitimate Cyprus government. Turkey occupied more
than 36 percent of island and Britain did nothing.

These three countries were guarantors of the island’s independence and
sovereignty. The OSCE also did nothing. The least the OSCE can do today is to
press Ankara to halt the destruction of Christian sites and illegal
archaeological excavations and stop traffic in icons and antiquities. Turkey
should also allow for the preservation and restoration of religious and
cultural sites. The OSCE should ensure that member states do not receive
stolen Cypriot art and antiquities. Thank you very much.

MR. MCNAMARA: Thank you very much. Our next speaker will be Dr. Chotzakoglou.
On the monitor to your right will be an ongoing slide presentation of images
that he has brought for this afternoon’s briefing.

CHARALAMPOS CHOTZAKOGLOU: I too would like to thank the Helsinki Commission
for inviting me to testify on an issue which I believe is of great importance.
Your decision to hold this briefing clearly indicates the seriousness and
concern of the issue under discussion.

Yesterday, in fact, marked 35 years since the Turkish invasion and occupation
of Cyprus which forcibly separated Greek and Turkish Cypriots along ethnic
lines and resulted in the destruction and desecration of Cyprus’ religious
cultural heritage in the occupied area.

In April 2003, the Turkish forces partially lifted the restrictions imposed on
crossings to and from the occupied area. This was the first time since 1974
that it was possible for Greek Cypriots to visit there. At that time I was
teaching at the University of Cyprus as visiting professor of medieval
Byzantine art, archaeology and architecture.

In cooperation with the nongovernmental Kykkos Museum, I recruited a team of
experts and proceeded to the detailed examination and photographic
documentation of every accessible religious monument in the occupied area. I
also sought to describe the state of conservation of the buildings,
mural/mosaic decoration and movable property.

Today the project is completed – after I was arrested twice by the Turkish
military police – and I can report to you that we possess a database of
approximately 20,000 photographs as well as a collection of photographic and
archive material of the monuments before 1974.

In some of these photographs you are going to see there, you can see the same
monument before 1974 and today, the situation today after the invasion. A
comparison of the monuments before and after the Turkish invasion easily shows
the scope of destruction and desecration.

Around 500 churches and religious sites belonging to the Greek-Orthodox
Autocephalous Church of Cyprus, the Greek-Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem,
the Holy Monastery of St. Catherine in Sinai, the Roman Catholic Church, the
Catholic-Armenian Church, the Catholic-Maronite Church, the Jewish community,
as well as the Protestant Church, along with their cemeteries have been
willfully desecrated, pillaged, looted and destroyed.

Furthermore, a considerable number of Christian churches have been converted
into military camps, mosques, stables, hencoops, ox and sheep stalls. In
addition, some are being used today as wheat chambers, storerooms and granaries
while a number were rented or sold to private individuals, who use them as art
studios, carpentry workshops, parking stations, coffee shops, residences,
cultural centers, gym centers, ceramic workshops, hotels, pubs, theaters,
nightclubs, museums, ottoman baths – hamam, sport clubs and dancing schools.
The Church of the Savior in the Chrysiliou village is used today as a mortuary.

UNESCO Report 25 of December 1984 states that “The Republic of Cyprus had
repeatedly applied to UNESCO and asked the mission of observers to report on
the condition of the monuments. So far the mission has met with the refusal of
the Turkish occupation regime.

Similarly, the Council of Europe, after a strict inspection of some occupied
churches, highlighted in a 1989 report the severe condition of the buildings
and requested their immediate conservation. The Church of Cyprus and the
government as well as societies, institutions, foundations, church committees
and individuals have tried unsuccessfully to get permission to restore, repair
and maintain their churches.

The archbishop of Cyprus proposed repeatedly to fund any needed restoration of
Muslim religious places in the North in addition to the funds provided by the
government. A mutual reaction regarding the permission of similar restoration
of the Christian monuments in the North never came.

Also, a commission of the Church of Cyprus for the religious heritage in Cyprus
was founded in 2008 where I am taking also part as an expert. But there was
again no response from the Turkish side.

Similarly, the declaration of the European parliament on September 5, 2006, on
the obligation of protection and conservation of the religious heritage in the
occupied area of Cyprus along with funding amounting to half-a-million euro for
that purpose met again with the Turkish refusal.

The direct responsibility of Turkey concerning the occupied area is clearly
stated in the decision of the European Court of Human Rights in the Fourth
Interstate Application of Cyprus against Turkey of May 10, 2001. Its decision
– in its decision, the European Court of Human Rights stated inter alia that
Turkey, quote “having effective overall control over northern Cyprus, its
responsibility cannot be confined to the acts of its own soldiers or officials
in northern Cyprus but must be also engaged by virtue of the acts of the local
administration which survives by virtue of Turkey’s military and other support.

The movable property of almost every church was looted. Most of the mural or
mosaic decorations were stripped away and a considerable number were located in
international art markets abroad. Some well-known legal cases, as the
Kanakaria case, Indianapolis court; the Antiphonitis case, Rotterdam court; the
Dikmen case, Munich court, as well as the published study of Ms. Jansen
demonstrate and prove the involvement and activity of Turkish looters in the
occupied areas.

Furthermore, cases as the stripped away of 13th-century frescos of the Lysi
chapel – now in Houston – and icons of the Koutzoventis monastery demonstrate
in the most obvious way the cooperation and involvement of the Turkish armed
forces in the illicit trade. Both the above-mentioned churches were situated
in areas under the direct control of the Turkish military. And the icons and
frescos were located later in the United States, Germany and in Holland.

There is no religious freedom in the Turkish-occupied areas of Cyprus for
non-Muslims since all of the communities I referred to earlier are either not
free or severely restricted in their exercise of religious services, praying
and maintaining the graves of their ancestors.

They do not have the right of staying in their monasteries and convents nor the
rights to have free religious elections, ordination of priests, building or
repairing their churches or administrating their religious property. Even in
the cases of a handful of churches operating in the occupied eastern Karpas
Peninsula where the remaining Greek Cypriots enclaved are, the illegal regime
confiscated icons and still collects all donations and offerings of the
pilgrims who, since 2003, can only visit these churches.

The clergy and particularly the bishops are not allowed to hold services, a
fact proven also by the two, three exceptions after the invention mainly of the
United States Embassy in Nicosia and UNFICYP.

Even four days ago on July 17th, after repeated intervention of UNFICYP,
permission was granted only to Greek Cypriot refugees of the occupied village
of Kythrea to hold a service in their desecrated church – but only for 50
persons and one priest whose names had to be sent in advance and approved by
the illegal regime and only under the presence and surveillance of the Turkish
military.

Bishops, as the metropolitans of Carpasia, Famagusta, Tamasos, Kykkos or the
Armenian archbishop have been repeatedly prevented by the Turkish army from
holding religious services in occupied churches although they had previously
received permission from the illegal regime through UNFICYP.

Therefore I was surprised to read the 2008 International Religious Freedom
Report of the U.S. Department of State that, quote, “However, the politically
divisive environment on Cyprus engendered some restrictions on religious
freedom, particularly for Greek Cypriots, Armenians and Maronites,” the report
added that “the Turkish Cypriot authorities generally respected religious
freedom in practice.”

This blatantly ignores the inaccessibility for religious services to both the
Greek Orthodox churches and to the other faiths that I had mentioned above,
including a Jewish cemetery and synagogue situated in the Turkish military camp
of Margo.

The religious culture of the northern part of the island is changing because of
the importation of over 160,000 mainland Turkish settlers who are
overwhelmingly more conservative than the Turkish Cypriots.

This is the reality of the situation in the Turkish-occupied area. In total
contrast, the government of the Republic of Cyprus, through the Turkish Cypriot
Properties Management Service and the Department of Antiquities repairs and
maintains mosques and Muslim places of Worship in the government-controlled
area, 17 of which, have been declared as “ancient monuments,” allowing the free
exercise of their religious services.

Though a technical committee composed of members of both communities was
established a year ago, in the framework of the current negotiations for a
Cyprus solution to work jointly on restoration and preservation issues, there
have been no tangible results to date.

On the contrary, during this period of the negotiations of this committee, the
18th-century church of St. Catherine in the occupied village of Gerani was
demolished. By accident we had this church on the front piece of our book.

Allow me to thank you again for your invitation to speak on the religious
cultural heritage of Cyprus in peril and I am at your disposal for any
questions on the issue.

MR. MCNAMARA: Thank you very much. Dr. Gallas?

KLAUS GALLAS: First, I would like to thank the members of the commission for
allowing me to testify before you on the use of Cyprus’ religious cultural
heritage in peril. There is still no complete case-by-case documentation of
the art thefts that have been growing catastrophically in both number and
seriousness ever since the start of the Turkish occupation of northern Cyprus.
But there is no question that since the day of the invasion, July 20, 1974,
such internationally organized thefts and the accompanying illegal trade in
works of art plundered from churches in the Turkish-occupied sector – some of
which form part of the UNESCO World Cultural Heritage – have multiplied to a
worrying extent.

One shocking instance that typifies this plundering and illegal trading is the
Dikmen case, the most spectacular example of international theft recorded by
the Bavarian central department of crime. It culminated in a court case in
Indianapolis in 1989 against the American art dealer Peggy Goldberg which was
successfully pursued by the Church of Cyprus and the government of Cyprus.

It concerned the 6th century mosaics in the apse of the Panagia Kanakari Church
on the Karpasia Peninsula. Parts of these are now in the Byzantine museum in
Nicosia. Probably the first major account of the barbaric desecration and
destruction of Christian heritage within the Turkish occupied area was the one
by myself that appeared in the German national newspaper, the Frankfurter
Allgemeine on March 30, 1990.

A striking example of this desecration is the Ajios Euphemianos Church about a
mile outside the old center of Lysi, to the west of Famagusta. When I first
visited the little church prior to 1974, I was overwhelmed by the glowing
colors and expressive features of the Byzantine murals dating from the 14th
century. But when I returned to Lysi in 1989, long after the start of the
Turkish occupation in northern Cyprus, I found that things in the village were
completely changed. Even the altered name of the place, the Turkish
designation “Akdogan” clearly indicated the intention of the Turkish occupying
powers: eradication of every cultural reminder of established historical
structures on the island.

The little church of Agios Euphemianos was difficult to locate it because it
was enveloped now by the Turkish barracks. How was it possible for this jewel
of Byzantine creativity to have fallen victim to international art thieves
under the very noses of the watchful Turkish soldiers?

The removal of all the precious frescoes from the walls and ceiling-domes in a
professional manner and their transportation abroad in an undamaged state is
something that would have taken the robbers days, if not weeks.

Scaffolding would have had to be erected; tools and materials would have had to
be carried to the church through or around the outside of the barracks. And
then there would have been the whole business of exporting the works of art.
This, too, would have meant having the right contacts and connections. Nothing
could have been done without the permission of the Turkish occupation forces.

In this context, there is also a mystery concerning the export license by the
so-called Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus for the 6th century Golden
Mosaics of the Panagia Church on the Karpas Peninsula, which was signed at the
time by Osman Orek. Until 1963, he was defense minister in the Makarios
government. And from 1974 onwards, the right-hand man of Rauf Denktash, the
leader of the Turkish Cypriot community.

Later on, Orek declared the documents to have been a forgery. In 1988, Peggy
Goldberg, a U.S. citizen, had acquired these mosaics and attempted to market
them illegally for US$1.2 million. What followed was the celebrated court case
in Indianapolis that ended in the autumn of 1989 with the decision by Federal
Judge Noland in favor of the Republic of Cyprus and the Church of Cyprus. This
was a uniquely important decision by the U.S. court.

This case is symptomatic of the organized crime of ripping items of cultural
heritage out of their context and, by doing so, destroying them forever. Only
in rare instances has the government of Cyprus and the Church of Cyprus
succeeded up to now in securing the return of stolen artworks to Cyprus, either
through court dispensations or by buying them back. The route taken by the
works of art is usually from the Turkish occupied part of Cyprus to either
Munich or Amsterdam, then from there to Zurich and on to the USA.

Following a house search of Aydin Dikmen’s premises and subsequent
confiscation, the police in Munich is certainly holding Byzantine mosaics,
frescoes and icons, presumed to be from the Turkish occupied part of Cyprus, to
the value of more than 30 million euros.

Meanwhile the legal proceedings against Aydin Dikmen have been dragging on for
more than 10 years without a conclusion. For mosaics and frescoes,
identification is less of a problem. They are usually quite easy to ascribe to
a particular historical monument. Icons, on the other hand, are hard to pin
down.

The Republic of Cyprus may have secured the judgment in Indianapolis but it was
less successful in its efforts to secure the return of the Lysi frescos,
notwithstanding the fact that they could not now be sold to unscrupulous
collectors.

It was Aydin Dikmen who, in 1985, also sold the Lysi frescoes to America. The
De Menil Foundation in Houston, Texas, acquired these immensely valuable 13th
century frescoes for just 850,000 U.S. dollars. The interior of the Lysi
chapel was then reconstructed true to the original within the halls of the
foundation’s museum so as to allow the frescoes to be displayed exactly as they
had appeared in situ.

The De Menil Foundation broke new ground in the details of this arrangement.
When it was offered the frescoes, it side-stepped all the importation rules,
negotiated directly with the Church of Cyprus, made an agreement for a
long-term assignment until 2012, bought the frescoes, had them restored and in
effect rescued this entire endangered piece of cultural heritage.

All the same, there are also some hidden dangers in this modus operandi. It
lends strength and encouragement to unprincipled art thieves by signaling to
them that they will always be able to make a profit, one way or the other, from
their stolen goods. Maybe what is needed here to nip thieves in the bud is an
international certificate for the buying and selling of works of art, complete
with details of provenance.

I wish to bring in another example to support the view that art theft in the
Turkish-occupied part of the Republic of Cyprus was usually only possible when
it was tolerated or happened under the watchful eye of the Turkish military.
On the south coast of the island, only a mile from Kyrenia, stands the
Acheiropiitos Monastery, a dignified complex dating from the 11th century that
was erected on the foundations of an early Christian settlement including a
basilica. The monastery used to be a treasure house of Byzantine icons dating
from a variety of centuries – but what has become of these treasures?

During a visit that I paid recently, gaining access to the monastery looked as
if it would be impossible. Just as in the autumn of 1989, the Turkish forces
were still ensconced in its handsome rooms. But after repeated attempts on my
part to be allowed in, the officers and men suddenly appeared helpful and I was
permitted to enter.

Of the once-magnificent display of icons there was nothing to be seen. Only
the richly carved pulpit from 1819, with its touches of gold leaf, and the
remains of the Ikonostase, bereft of all icons, gave a faint indication of the
former glories of this empty chamber. How could this desecration of Christian
cultural heritage have come about right in the middle of the Turkish military
camp? How could all these precious icons have been taken down and carried off
from a monastery that was actually occupied by Turkish officers and men?

The loss to Cyprus and to UNESCO's World Cultural Heritage is unimaginable. It
can be assumed that the amount of booty we are aware of is only a fraction of
the material that has actually been stolen from the Orthodox churches of
Cyprus, which begs the question: how many treasures altogether have actually
been taken between 1974 and 2009 and are now lost to us forever through having
already been sold to collectors in all corners of the world? How many fortunes
have the art thieves amassed for themselves in the meantime through these
outrageous acts? They must amount to hundreds of millions of dollars. None of
the plundered churches will ever sparkle again as they did in the light of days
gone by.

My greatest wish, which ties in with the appeal of the Helsinki Commission, is
that in the very near future, the many works of art that they have stolen, and
in part still remain missing, should be restored to Cyprus. Only through
solidarity and joint action against worldwide art theft, as well as against the
barbaric destruction and desecration of examples of UNESCO’s World Heritage,
can we keep alive our historical roots and our cultural identity.

I thank the commission for my speaking.

MR. MCNAMARA: Thank you very much, Dr. Gallas. And I would want to
acknowledge the presence of Senator Sarbanes, who has joined us this afternoon.
I thought perhaps another member of the family might be stopping by. But I do
have a number of questions that I’d like to pose. And just for your
information, the still photographs displayed are ones that I took during my
recent trip. I had an opportunity to spend two days in the northern part of
the country and, driving around, just asked the driver to pull over to a
village quite randomly – that I determined – and these were some of the many
photographs that I was able to take during that time, including this one of a
church near the Karpas region, used obviously as a storage facility. Of the 20
or so churches that I stopped into randomly in villages and so forth, none of
them were intact. Most of them were populated by pigeons, with pigeon
droppings that would be unimaginable, actually, and probably quite unhealthy.

But I did have a number of questions. Obviously the destruction has taken
place over a period of time. And you did mention the church on the cover of
your book as a recent example. But I wonder if you could cite any additional
examples just to underscore the fact that this is an activity that’s ongoing
and not one that may have taken place 35 years ago in the immediate aftermath
of the military activity, but is, again, something that’s a current issue as
well.

MR. CHOTZAKOGLOU: In the book, there’s a reference of more than 15 churches
which were pulled down recently. I say “recently” – in the last five years.
And there are the names, also, of the churches. And in most cases, we have the
possibility to have photographs before they were destroyed. And also, we have
cases that, after 2003, it was possible to enter and to see the icon museum in
Kyrenia. The Turks made an icon museum in Kyrenia to demonstrate that they
respect the monuments and the icons. But I have to say that most of the icons
there are of the 20th century.

On the first day, we saw three or four icons of the 16th century. Today, these
icons are not there. And two of these icons were located in Zurich, in
Switzerland –

MR. MCNAMARA: This recent case, yes?

MR. CHOTZAKOGLOU: This recent case. And we tried, now, with Interpol to –
they confiscated – the police authorities in Switzerland – they confiscated
these icons. And we hope to get them back.

MR. MCNAMARA: Any other – okay. There were a number of – a couple of you,
excuse me – referenced military installations and, certainly, a number of the
churches and monasteries I visited were in close proximity, certainly within
easy distance of the Turkish forces. So I wondered if you could discuss the
question of the inclusion of religious sites within military exclusion zones in
the region. Or whoever wishes to –

MS. JANSEN: I’d just like to say one thing. The point is that a great deal of
the territory of the northern part of Cyprus has been taken up with military
bases. And it’s very difficult to travel around that area without noting that
you pass a great many military bases. And some major Greek Cypriot Orthodox
churches were in these military bases. And some were looted by the soldiery
soon after the north was taken over.

And then, Aydin Dikmen, who claimed to have close connections with the Turkish
military, he was also allowed in to do some of the looting there – in the
military areas, which shows that there was collusion between Dikmen and the
military.

There was also collusion in the sense that he was allowed to take his large
crates of icons and other material – archeological material – out of the area
without hindrance. And at one point, he was actually arrested and held by the
Turkish authorities in northern Cyprus. But as a friend of mine says, his wife
turned up with a big bag of money and he was out the next day.

So this was the problem: There was collusion on one hand and then there was
exoneration on the other. So Dikmen was able to proceed with his looting of
northern Cyprus without any kind of obstruction from the authorities which were
governing the area.

MR. GALLAS: I will speak in German and we have a translator. My English is
not so good.

MR.: Dr. Gallas would like to say that it is important to him to note that
he’s not attacking, if I may use that word, the Turkish government, but that it
is important to preserve and protect the theft. He believes that nothing could
take place without the supervision and eyes of the Turkish military.

The problem with the Dikmen case is following the evidence. And he has been
researching the case for the last 10 years. As he has referred to previously,
it’s easy to identify a fresco in a certain church. The difficulty is with the
icons because the school of icon painting exported them to many different
countries. And Dikmen says it’s hard to say which came from where. And Dikmen
claims that all those icons that can definitely be identified will be returned,
but he gets all the others that are not definitely identified. And we’re
talking about artifacts that are the value of 30 million euro.

MR. CHOTZAKOGLOU: I’d like just to make a statement. I read today, in the
Washington Times, an article on our hearing today. And there is a statement
that these things which were stolen with the help of the Turkish military
troops or with the help of other authorities in northern Cyprus, have been
smuggled out of Cyprus mostly through the southern part of the island.

We have to underline that in that case, we have a lot of cases, we have a lot
of icons, which were smuggled out of the port of Kyrenia and Mrs. Jansen can
describe, also, the whole thing from eyewitnesses, but that icons which were
smuggled out of Cyprus from the southern part of the island were not smuggled
out in a – in a bigger export – because already in 1976, the high commissioner
for the refugees, the Austrian, Alfred Seglipe (ph). He was also arrested by
the police. He was there to protect the refugees and he was taking part in
illicit trade of antiquities.

So in such cases, we know from other eyewitnesses that with the help of the
Finnish United Nations peacekeeping force, a lot of icons were smuggled out of
the Larnaca port and were sent to Germany. So these cases that are known were
not, of course, smuggled out to these things legally, but illegally, without,
of course, the knowledge of the legitimate authorities of the Republic of
Cyprus. Thank you.

MR. MCNAMARA: Sure. There has been some reference to UNESCO, which obviously
has a unique mission throughout the world for protection of cultural heritage.
And I wondered if anyone could elaborate a little further. I know that there
was a mention regarding an early-on assessment or study by UNESCO. But I
wonder to the extent that this issue is actively pursued within the context of
that organization.

MS. JANSEN: UNESCO, as I said earlier, suppressed the report, which was
written by Jacques Dalibard. This report was 120 pages long and quite
detailed. He wasn’t allowed to go to all of the monuments, all of the churches
or all of the archeological sites. He was only allowed to go to a certain
number. And his report was actually kept under wraps until about two years
ago. UNESCO really did nothing about this situation at all.

And this whole business was repeated. In the aftermath of the invasion and
occupation of Iraq in 2003, UNESCO sent a mission to Baghdad. And they
reported on the same sort of activity – dealing with the Iraq museum and also
some of the sites. And I attended – I went with the mission to Baghdad. And
UNESCO has done nothing about getting things back to Iraq, which were stolen
during this period. And in fact, Iraq is being plundered as we speak. And
whole sites are being destroyed by people who are actually doing industrial
farming of archeological sites.

The main problem is that whenever there is war or civil war or some kind of
unrest or even natural disaster, the cultural heritage of countries which
suffer these situations gets destroyed and also looted and exported. The
United States has done some good things. It has signed a memorandum of
understanding with Cyprus and with Iraq. And material is being returned.

Also, one must take into account the effect of the case in Indianapolis. That
case produced a very important judgment: that the thief doesn’t have any right
to what he has stolen. And that case has a tremendous impact on museums around
the world and on countries which are seeking to repatriate their cultural
heritage.

Italy has very aggressively pursued its stolen cultural heritage. It has
received back some very important items. The Getty Museum in California has
had to give back items. And Greece is pursuing its stolen heritage.

So the case in Indianapolis has changed the picture for museums and for
collectors who are trying to look legitimate. Now it is no longer possible to
buy stolen antiquities, art, icons, whatever, and claim that we bought this in
good faith; we didn’t know it was stolen. This good faith clause is now out of
the picture.

So what the illicit dealers do now, of course, is they manufacture provenance,
which is creating some kind of false document so that they can sell the
material to museums or to auction houses or to private collectors. And of
course, this is a growing industry. But people who are really seriously
interested in pursuing stolen items can prove that these documents are not
legal and reclaim the items.

One of the cases – the important case in this particular example, which I can
think of, is the case of a Greek crater for mixing wine, which was given false
provenance by the Metropolitan Museum in New York. It belonged to Greece, and
they gave it the provenance of another piece, which had been sitting in a bank
in Beirut for many years, which was not the complete one, whereas the one that
the Metropolitan Museum had was a beautifully restored, complete, very large
wine jug. So as I say, you must never underestimate the importance of that
decision in Indianapolis on the Cypriot mosaics. Thank you.

MR. MCNAMARA: Thank you. There was a reference made to the technical group
that’s supporting the talks between President Christofias and Mr. Talat. And I
just wondered, because I know that there is some description of sort of the
mandate that they’re supposed to undertake – identification of sites and so
forth – and I wonder, has anything happened – obviously, there is a large array
of issues that the leaders and their colleagues are trying to grapple with, but
I just wondered if you could give us any information on that aspect of the
ongoing talks?

MR. CHOTZAKOGLOU: I do know the activity of this committee, because before
they began, they were founded one year ago. Turkish Cypriots and Greek
Cypriots are taking part, and they visited also the Kykkos Museum in order to
get information on the work we have done and also other institutions. And
after one year of cooperation and meetings, unfortunately, there was no result,
because every time, they had to postpone and postpone all the activities they
had. They decided to begin a pilot project to restore one church – Saint
Michael in the occupied village of Leonarisso and on the other hand, a Muslim
mosque in Limassol.

Of course, you can imagine that on the one side, you have more than 500
churches, and on the other hand, you have just some of the mosques, so it’s not
the same – one-to-one. Anyway, until now, there was no progress on that. They
said that the problem would be the financial one. And in that case, we came
and we asked the committee to do something which they don’t need money to do –
to allow the church communities of the Greeks to go and restore the cemeteries
with their own monies – just to put the crosses there, to have the possibility
to visit the graves of their ancestors and to light a candle there.

They refused it, which means that it’s not that they don’t have the money to go
on with the restoration; they are not willing to do that. And they say, when
it comes to such a decision, we have to wait for the political decision of the
matter. So we hoped a lot on this committee that we could have, after one
year, a result. But we didn’t. On the contrary, during the negotiations and
the meetings of this committee, the church that I showed you was willfully
destroyed and pulled down. It was a church – this one! This was the church
before, and now. So there’s nothing of the church and this is how it was in
2008 – just some months before this committee was grounded. And now, there is
nothing there. Thank you.

MR. MCNAMARA: Thank you. The U.S. Agency for International Development has
supported a number of restoration projects in the North, including work at the
Agios Mamas Church in Morphu, mainly operated as an icon museum. I wonder what
your assessment regarding these projects, and then I guess another thing that
strikes me is that there are this limited number – I think it was in Kyrenia as
well that I saw this very prominent steeple of a church that also serves as an
icon museum and attracts, apparently, a lot of foreign tourists.

And I wondered if there’s been some investigation – I think you alluded to it a
little bit – regarding the contents of these museums. Are they materials that
were original to the church, or is it a collection from various of the
destroyed churches, or has anybody been able to trace that aspect of it?

MR. CHOTZAKOGLOU: Because of the accusations of the destruction of the
churches and the illicit trade, they made two icon museums – the one you have
visited in Kyrenia or, I suppose you didn’t visit – excuse me.

MR. MCNAMARA: I didn’t visit, but I saw it from a distance. It was very
prominent. I was paying attention to the information office that’s located in
a little chapel right on the harbor center.

MR. CHOTZAKOGLOU: And also another one in the Holy Virgin Church in Trikomo.
It’s also in the Famagusta region. If not all the icons that are inside, they
do not belong to the church, but they were brought there. And all of them are
dated into the 20th and 19th centuries. You have to imagine that we have, in
Cyprus, icons from the 11th, 12th and 13th century which are missing, and not
one of them are there. So they’re just new icons, which were painted some
decades ago or even 100 years – so for Cyprus, 100 years ago is not a great
matter. (Chuckles.)

The second thing: We have – with the help of the United States, we had the
restoration of some monuments, as, for example, we had the Hala Sultan Tekke –
this is – a tekke is a kind of monastery for the Muslims – in Larnaca. And on
the other hand, we could restore a church in the occupied areas. This would be
Saint Andrew in the Karpas Peninsula. What happened was the tactic which we
now know happens all the time. Unfortunately, when the Turkish committee
begins with the restoration of the mosque in the South, they could proceed.
There was no problem. They had their archeologists, architects and the workers
and they went on, and if you go now to Cyprus, if you land in the Larnaca
airport, the first thing you can see is this mosque. It’s very, very beautiful
and it’s good that it was restored.

On the other hand, when we tried to go on with the restoration of Saint Andrew,
which is a very big pilgrimage for the Cypriots because most of them have been
baptized there, every time that we were trying to go on, there were problems.
We wanted to have material for the restoration. We could not bring the
material from the Republic of Cyprus, but we had to import it from Turkey.
Then we had to wait for months. These materials could not be found in Turkey;
we had to import it, for example, from Germany. No, we had to wait.

And after – during this time, the tekke in Larnaca was already restored, and
after it was restored, they said, so the time is out; you don’t have any more
possibility to restore the church. So it remains like that. So you can still
see the Saint Andrew Church, which is falling down. The other case you
mentioned – Saint Mamas in Morphu – it’s a recent case. And it was allowed to
restore the icon screen – actually the wooden parts of the church – not the
building. And this is – you have to imagine, this was a very good thing that
was made and we’re happy for that, but that’s one case in 500.

And I’d like to stress here that it’s not only the Greek Orthodox churches
which were looted or destroyed. We have Catholic churches; we have Armenian
churches; Maronite churches; we have Jewish cemeteries; we have so many, which
are not only the Greek Orthodox monuments. So we have also to pay attention
for them.

MS. JANSEN: Could I make one –

MR. MCNAMARA: Please.

MS. JANSEN: I just wanted to mention that there is a Web site which one can
consult. It was put up jointly by Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot engineers
and architects. It’s called cyprustemples.com and it has on it 505 churches
and 111 mosques and Muslim sites. It gives the state of each one and what is
recommended to repair it or replace it or whatever. And it is a very valuable
site. It shows a lot.

These people spent quite a lot of time; they have plenty of photographs. And
buildings which have been completely destroyed or are in very bad states, there
are, of course, no photographs of them. But it is, as I say, a very valuable
source on what exactly has gone on. It needs to be updated, but otherwise, it
is a very good effort.

MR. MCNAMARA: Thank you very much. I have one additional question and then a
number of questions very quickly pertaining to – one of you referred to the
2008 international religious freedom report. The question I had is, besides
the storage facility in this particular church near the Karpas region, I did
pass by another church that was part – clearly, a monastery that was part of a
sort of hilltop resort in the Kyrenia area.

And I wondered if there’s been any attempt to identify the commercial backers
of those religious sites that have been converted into commercial purposes,
particularly like hotels and things of this nature? Are they investors from
the North, from Turkey, from the U.S., from other EU countries? Or has that
been looked into at all?

MS. JANSEN: Not that I know of.

MR. CHOTZAKOGLOU: The case you mentioned is a hotel now. It was a convent and
it was converted into a hotel. You can go there. I have met the owner. He is
from Turkey. And what has happened is that, against the constitution of
Cyprus, they confiscated all the religious property, which, according to the
constitution of Cyprus, the religious property of every religious community is
indisputable. And they gave it to the Muslim administration commission, named
FCAF (sp). And these are the persons who are selling or renting churches.

It was very interesting – I don’t have the photograph there, but it’s an
English-speaking newspaper from – (inaudible) – Smith Real Estate agents where
you can see here, there is a church for sale. “Lease for church, fully
restored and used as a picture gallery/craft center. Lovely position below
Adramit village. £32,500.” So we have a lot of such cases. We have, also,
American citizens. We have mainly English. We have also Germans – persons who
bought or rented such churches in order to use them for restaurants, for pubs,
for nightclubs and so on. Or they rented to Turks to use them as I told you.
Even a gym – you can go to a gym and you have the apse and the church inside
and it’s unbelievable for us.

The most impressive case was a church which was converted into a mortuary. So
I went inside and I found the coffins of the dead. And you can – they put them
on the altar, they wash them and then they bury them in the cemetery that’s
near to the church. So we have a lot of such cases, recently also. It happens
every day. So the last time I was in Famagusta, there was a photograph – you
can see there – it was the medieval Gothic church of the 13th century in
Famagusta of the Templars, and now it’s a nightclub. You can have your drink
there, and it’s unbelievable for us, for such a desecration of a holy place,
whatever the beliefs of your own are. Thank you.

MR. MCNAMARA: Sure. Just to wrap up this portion of the briefing, the
international religious freedom report of 2008 says that Orthodox and Maronites
are, quote, “allowed to conduct mass on a regular basis without prior
permission at seven sites in the occupied area.”

Does this conform with your observations regarding the situation with
believers, because I had an opportunity to meet with the bishop of the Karpas
region, for example, and it seemed like he has many restraints placed upon him
in terms of his ability to go to his region of the country, and then certainly
in terms of the question of conducting religious services.

And that, I guess, I must say I found tremendously ironic, having visited the
region and gone by many villages and stopped in about 20 or so. But then the
report goes on to say prior permission was required to conduct mass at the
other estimated 500 religious sites in the area administered by Turkish
Cypriots. I mean, these are the images of some of those 500 sites.

So to someone who may not have followed the developments as closely, in my
first reading, I would say, oh wow, there must be 500 churches, chapels and
monasteries that can still be used for the conducting of religious services of
various nature. So I just –a gain, I scratched my head after I read that
portion of the report because it seemed, certainly, highly misleading.

MS. JANSEN: I would just like to say one thing on this. I checked exactly
this question out before I left Cyprus. There are three churches which are
designated as possible sites for services. And services are not held
regularly. The church has to apply for permission to hold a service and it may
or may not be granted. It is rarely granted. It is sometimes granted on
saints’ days. And last week, one service was held at Ayia Marina and only 50
people were allowed to attend.

And at some of these services, even though permission was given, the police
which operate in the northern part of Cyprus came and told the congregations to
disband and to leave. Now, this particular situation must be compared to what
is going on in the government-controlled areas, where there is complete freedom
of religion for everyone. And I consulted someone who is connected with the
mosque in Nicosia and I said, what is the situation there?

He said there are three congregations in Cyprus in established mosques, which
have been restored and repaired, and there is a fourth congregation in Paphos.
The three established mosques are in Nicosia, Larnaca and Limassol. There is a
fourth congregation in a hall in Paphos. They haven’t yet managed to work out
some sort of arrangement for being placed in the mosque there. Anyway, they
meet every week. They have congregations of, sometimes, two or three thousand
on Muslim feast days in all three of these areas – in Limassol, Nicosia and
Larnaca.

And most of the people who are in the congregations are people who came to
Cyprus in the past decade, two decades. They are of Arab origin or Bangladeshi
origin or Pakistani origin. Apparently, Turkish Cypriots don’t attend the
mosques. So the mosques are maintained. The government of Cyprus provides a
salary for the imam and the congregations take up collections to pay the water
bill, the electricity bill and for small repairs. And that is the situation on
the two sides; it’s quite different. Thank you.

MR. CHOTZAKOGLOU: I’d just like to add something, that according to the
constitution in Cyprus, all religious institutions – they do not have to pay
taxes. And that’s what happens also with the Muslim institutions in the
Republic of Cyprus or with the Jewish ones or with others. And I was very
surprised, actually, to read the international religious freedom report of the
United States Department of State because they write here that “there are some
restrictions religious freedom” – some restrictions, which means that the rule
is that you can go there without any problem, you can have your religious
service and leave.

But that’s not the case; that’s not the rule; that’s not how it happens. It’s
the opposite. Every time that a priest of a bishop wants to have a religious
service, we have to fight, actually, for months with the United States Embassy,
with the British embassy, with the country who is maybe the president of the
European Union, with friends or personal contacts of every person in order to
get the permission to go there and to have, under the surveillance of the
police with our names written and given before, to have a religious service.

So under this situation, I don’t think that what is written here represents
today’s situation of the region, especially when they write that the Turkish
Cypriot authorities generally respected the religious freedom in practice. I
think that everyone can go there and see it also for himself, what we’re
seeing. We have a lot of cases where, as Ms. Jansen said, we were granted such
permission from the Turkish Cypriot authorities, and when the bishops,
recently, some months ago, during the Holy Communion service with the Holy
Communion in his hands, the police came in – the police which is controlled by
the Turkish military – came in and they throw them away.

He presented the papers he had. He had to go to Famagusta where the military
officer was there. He said, I do not accept these papers. If you want, you
can go to the United Nations to have your religious service or in the southern
part, but not here. So they had to leave. That’s what happens all day. It’s
very, very difficult to have – there are only some cases on the Karpas
Peninsula where some Greeks there – and only from a local priest – that they
can have a religious service there. And also the case for some Maronite
churches on the western part of the occupied areas. These are the only
examples.

No Armenian, no Maronite, no Jews – no one can go on with their religious
service and have religious freedom in practice. And religious freedom is not
only to have a religious service in the church. It is to have the ordination
of the priests. It is to have the possibility to administer the religious
property. There is a lot of things. If you don’t have a single cemetery which
still can be seen – you can go there to see the situation of the cemeteries –
there is not a single cemetery which still stands there; how is there religious
freedom? That was my surprise when I read the report of the commission.

MR. MCNAMARA: Thank you very much. Just because you were mentioning
cemeteries, one of the ironies I found was, this is a little shed in the corner
of one of the little churches in a village in the North. And then I actually
did, of course, visit this cemetery here. And actually on the other side of
the wall, I found ironic that there was a Muslim burial place that was
meticulously maintained. I’m not sure when it dated from and so forth, but I
just felt like there was sort of a bit of irony there, given the nature of
these cemeteries and the other ones that I went to during my time there.

Our time is up for this portion of the briefing. We’ll take probably about a
five-minute break and then, for those who have time and are interested, we’ll
have the showing of this short film – 18 minutes long – by Dr. Gallas. Let me
just make sure I get the correct title: “Where Heaven Falls Prey – P-R-E-Y –
to Thieves.” For those who are not able to stay for the presentation, it is
available – I hope this isn’t a bootleg or something like that, but my
erstwhile intern that was working with me did find it in two parts on YouTube,
so you can view it via that means.

We will have a complete transcription of today’s briefing available on the
commission’s Web site tomorrow – within 24 hours we try to get it. There are a
lot of foreign names and so forth, so we’ll have to help the transcriber here.
But we do very much appreciate your presence here this afternoon on an issue
that, again – when we look at a situation, we go back and try to see if there’s
a relevant commitment that the OSCE-participating states have undertaken.

And when we looked at the situation in terms of religious cultural heritage in
this part of Cyprus, it just struck me as so tailor-made, if you will, where it
talks about the importance of preservation and protection of sites even if the
original community does not use them, or is even located – I did get a chance
to go to the Karpas region to the very tip of northeastern Cyprus and to be
able to sit down and to talk to some elderly Greek Cypriots – I think 228 in
the particular village.

And unfortunately, the main service that they seem to be conducting in the sole
church there is funerals. But that’s part of the reality as well. Thank you
again for coming and we appreciate your attention. The restrooms are just
outside of the room and to the right. And again, we’ll resume at about 25 past.

(END)